Ransford Edward Van Gyampo

Social media, traditional media and party politics in Ghana

ABSTRACT The social and political context within which political parties operate has significantly changed in the twenty-first century. The global breakthrough in social media offers numerous possibilities for meaningful and equal participation, as well as chances for new forms of transparency and accountability, in ways that were until recently, unimaginable. This study identifies and discusses the specific ways in which political parties in Ghana have deployed social media in advancing their interest. It raises the challenges that have been encountered by political parties in their quest to tap the advantages of social media in prosecuting their ultimate agenda of capturing political power. It argues succinctly that even though social media has broad advantages, it has severe challenges that undermines its effectiveness and nullifies any attempt to use it as a substitute to traditional media in Ghana. The study recommends an improved use of traditional media as a means of reaching out to people by political parties, as well as the use of social media only as an ‘additional communication luxury’.

Politics of Oil and Gas in Ghana

The discovery of oil should transform economies, since oil revenues can be invested in infrastructure and the non-oil sector. Whilst oil discovery has transformed the economy of countries such as Indonesia, Norway and UK, the story is different in Sub-Saharan Africa. Available evidence in countries like Angola, Equatorial Guinea, and Nigeria suggests that economic growth has an inverse relationship with oil production. Some researchers have attributed this to lack of quality institutions and the politics surrounding oil production. In this study, we take a critical look at the politics of oil production in Ghana and its potential implications for the oil sector and national development.

Presidential debates and electoral fortunes of political parties in Ghana's 2008 elections

This paper discusses the two presidential debates in Ghana, organized by the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA-Ghana) in Accra and Tamale before the 2008 general elections. The debates provided an opportunity for the presidential aspirants of the four main political parties with representation in parliament to engage in a contest of ideas. Using findings of a survey of 100 respondents, representing a cross-section of the Ghanaian population, the paper argues that presidential debates have a negligible role in positively affecting the electoral fortunes of political parties and contribute little to whipping up support for their presidential aspirants, especially among the undecided voters. Their role in consolidating Ghanas democracy, particularly in ensuring dialogue and participation of the people in decision-making, however, remains largely positive in spite of the several flaws and challenges that characterize their conduct in Ghana. The study therefore, recommends measures to ensure successful conduct of presidential debates in Ghana in a manner that fully contributes to democratic consolidation and encourages voters, especially the undecided ones, to objectively make a good decision as to which presidential aspirant or political party to vote for in future.This paper discusses the two presidential debates in Ghana, organized by the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA-Ghana) in Accra and Tamale before the 2008 general elections. The debates provided an opportunity for the presidential aspirants of the four main political parties with representation in parliament to engage in a contest of ideas. Using findings of a survey of 100 respondents, representing a cross-section of the Ghanaian population, the paper argues that presidential debates have a negligible role in positively affecting the electoral fortunes of political parties and contribute little to whipping up support for their presidential aspirants, especially among the undecided voters. Their role in consolidating Ghanas democracy, particularly in ensuring dialogue and participation of the people in decision-making, however, remains largely positive in spite of the several flaws and challenges that characterize their conduct in Ghana. The study therefore, recommends measures to ensure successful condu...

Youth in Parliament and Youth Representation in Ghana

Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections. Prior to this, the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament was negligible. In view of the demographic advantage of the youth and their invaluable contributions to Ghana’s political history, there have been incessant calls for their representation and an eventual return to the days of the 1950s when politics was dominated by the youth. The outcome of the 2012 Parliamentary Elections was therefore hailed as unprecedented and described by many as a giant step towards youth representation in national decision making. However, a survey of all the young parliamentarians and some 4400 young people carefully selected through purposive sampling provides the basis for this paper’s thesis that the growth in the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament does not necessarily guarantee youth representation in national decision making; rather, it promotes tokenism, exclusivity and co-optation of the youth into decision-making structures of state. The study makes practical recommendations to create a relationship between youth in Ghana’s parliament and youth representation.Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections. Prior to this, the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament was negligible. In view of the demographic advantage of the youth and their invaluable contributions to Ghana’s political history, there have been incessant calls for their representation and an eventual return to the days of the 1950s when politics was dominated by the youth. The outcome of the 2012 Parliamentary Elections was therefore hailed as unprecedented and described by many as a giant step towards youth representation in national decision making. However, a survey of all the young parliamentarians and some 4400 young people carefully selected through purposive sampling provides the basis for this paper’s thesis that the growth in the number of young people in Ghana’s parli...

Constitutional hybridity and constitutionalism in Ghana

Ghanas 1992 Constitution is a hybrid arrangement that combines some features of both the US Presidential and British Westminster systems of Government. Having modelled three different constitutions along the lines of both systems since 1960, there emerged the preference for constitutional hybridity in 1992. This was based on the assumption that the best constitution is a mixed system that borrows from the features of the two main systems of government. Nevertheless, after over 20 years of operation, this study shows that Ghanas 1992 Constitution upsets the balance of power between the arms of government, particularly between the executive and legislature and in favour of the former in a manner that undermines constitutionalism. This paper discusses the specific arrangements and provisions of the hybrid constitution and how they facilitate the exercise of unbridled as well as unmitigated executive power. It makes a call for the abolition of the hybrid system and an adherence to either of the two main systems, but not both.