Raphael Snir

Workaholism: Its Definition and Nature

The term ‘workaholism’ is widely used, but there is little consensus about its meaning, beyond that of its core element: a substantial investment in work. Following Snir and Zohar, workaholism was first defined in the present study as the individual’s steady and considerable allocation of time to work-related activities and thoughts, which does not derive from external necessities. Subsequently, it was measured as time invested in work, while controlling the financial needs for this investment. The relation between workaholism and possible attitudinal (meaning of work indices), demographic (gender, marital status), and situational (occupation type, employment sector) variables was examined through two representative samples of the Israeli labor force. The following predictor variables were significantly related to workaholism: work centrality, economic orientation, occupation type, employment sector and gender. From those variables, gender was found to be the strongest predictor - that is, men, in comparison with women, have a higher likelihood of being workaholics. Moreover, married women worked fewer hours per week than unmarried women, while married men worked more hours per week than unmarried men. The theoretical contribution of the above findings, and of the other study’s findings, to the understanding of workaholism is discussed.

Work-Leisure Relations: Leisure Orientation and the Meaning of Work

The relationship between work and leisure, with regard to various aspects of work and its meaning, was examined in two groups of people: leisure-oriented and work-oriented. Leisure-to-work spillover characterized the relations between leisure orientation and the following variables: absolute work centrality, interpersonal contacts, intrinsic orientation, obligation norm, and weekly work hours. Compensation for work by leisure characterized the relation between job satisfaction and leisure orientation. The segmentation between leisure and work hypotheses, regarding economic orientation and entitlement norm, were supported.

Attitudinal and Demographic Antecedents of Workaholism

Following Snir and Zohar workaholism was defined as the individuals steady and considerable allocation of time to work‐related activities and thoughts, which does not derive from external necessities. It was measured as time invested in work, with consideration of the financial needs for this investment. The effects of attitudinal and demographic variables on workaholism were examined through a representative sample of the Israeli labor force (n=942). Using independent‐samples t tests, the following findings were revealed: respondents with a high level of occupational satisfaction worked more hours per week than those with a low level of occupational satisfaction. The same can be stated of self‐employed versus salaried workers. On the other hand, people with a high level of family centrality worked few hours per week than those with a low level of family centrality. The same was revealed with people who defined an activity as work if “you do it at a certain time,” compared with those who did not define it thus. No significant difference in weekly work hours was found between respondents with a high level of leisure centrality and those with a low level of leisure centrality. A one‐way ANOVA revealed a significant effect for religiosity: secular people worked more hours per week than non‐secular people (religious and those with a loose contact with religion).

The workaholism phenomenon: a cross‐national perspective

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the workaholism phenomenon.Design/methodology/approach – Workaholism was defined as the individuals steady and considerable allocation of time to work, which is not derived from external necessities. Subsequently, it was measured as time invested in paid work, controlling for the financial needs for such an investment. Workaholism is examined from a cross‐national perspective through representative samples of the labor force in Belgium, Israel, Japan, The Netherlands, and the USAFindings – The Japanese worked more hours per week than all other nationalities. The following findings have remained stable across nations: respondents with a high level of work centrality worked more hours per week than did those with a low level of work centrality. Men worked more hours per week than women. Married women worked fewer hours per week than unmarried women, while married men worked more hours per week than unmarried men. Private‐sector employees worked more hours p...

Centrality of and Investment in Work and Family Among Israeli High-Tech Workers A Bicultural Perspective

Workers’ attitudes concerning the competition for individual’s resources between work and family are expressed by the relative centrality they attribute to each of these domains. This competition is also manifested in the tradeoff between work and family time. The study deals with 319 Israeli high-tech workers. We examined the effect of parenthood on men and on women regarding the centrality of and investment in work and family in the bicultural context of the Israeli high-tech industry (i.e., the family-centered Israeli society on the one hand, and the masculine work-centered high-tech industry on the other hand). A contrasting parenthood effect on men and women was found. Fathers showed higher relative work centrality than childless men, whereas mothers showed lower relative work centrality than women without children. Fathers invested more weekly hours in paid work than childless men, whereas mothers invested fewer weekly hours in paid work than women without children. In the parents’ sub-sample, mothers evinced higher relative family centrality than fathers. Mothers also invested more weekly hours in childcare and core housework tasks than fathers. The uniqueness of the findings is that the contrasting parenthood effect prevails even in the demanding high-tech sector, in which women are expected to work long hours and play down their care-giving activities. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that mothers struggled to juggle active family caring with a career, rather than give up either of them. We also found that mothers invested more weekly hours in work in general (paid and unpaid work) than fathers.

To Work or Not to Work: Nonfinancial Employment Commitment and the Social Desirability Bias

Abstract The so-called “lottery question,” which asks whether individuals would stop or continue working if there were no economic reasons to do so, was used to evaluate non-financial employment commitment. Data were collected through a survey conducted among a representative sample of the adult population in Israel. The sample included 501 respondents, who were interviewed via telephone in their homes by professional interviewers from a national survey agency. The additional contribution of social desirability to the prediction of nonfinancial employment commitment, beyond the contribution of age, is significant. There is a higher likelihood of indicating a desire to continue working under conditions of high social desirability rather than under those of low social desirability. It is suggested that, in order to examine the actual scope of nonfinancial employment commitment, some measures of detecting or reducing the social desirability bias should be taken.

Cross-Cultural Differences Concerning Heavy Work Investment

The study makes a cross-cultural comparison of heavy work investment, as well as its dispositional and situational types, based on data gathered through representative national samples of the adult population in twenty countries (N = 25,962). We have found that work investment is heavier in societies where survival values are important, as compared to societies where self-expression values are important. Situational heavy work investors are more common in societies where survival values are important, as compared to societies where self-expression values are important. However, work-devoted persons are more common in societies where self-expression values are important, as compared to societies where survival values are important. It was also found that work investment is heavier in societies where mastery value is high, as compared to societies where mastery value is low. Dispositional heavy work investors are more common in societies where mastery value is high, as compared to societies where mastery value is low. Finally, it was found that men work more hours per week as compared to women in both masculine and feminine societies. However, the gender difference concerning time investment at work is greater in masculine societies, as compared to feminine societies. Dispositional heavy work investors are more common among men in masculine societies, than among men in feminine societies. The fact that the magnitude of work investment and the prevalence of its types vary in different cultural contexts demonstrate the importance of differentiating between types of heavy work investment; namely, realizing that not every heavy work investor is a workaholic.

Test-retest reliability of the relative work centrality measure

The Meaning of Work International Research Team in 1987 developed the Relative Work Centrality measure, on which individuals divide 100 points among five major domains (work, leisure, community, religion, and family) in their lives, based on their relative centrality. The present study examined the test-retest reliability of this measure in a convenience sample of 96 Israeli full-time workers over a 4-wk. period. The sample consisted of 41.7% men and 58.3% women, of whom 48.9% were married. The participants had a mean age of 36.0 yr. (SD = 11.5) and a mean education of 14.9 yr. (SD = 2.5). The Spearman rank correlation coefficients for work, leisure, community, religion, and family at Time 1 and Time 2 were, respectively, .66, .76, .64, .76, and .82. These values indicate a fairly high test-retest reliability of the Relative Work Centrality measure and support the notion that this measure can also be applied to assess the relative centrality of each of the other four major life domains, in addition to work.

Religious Conviction and the Relative Centrality of Major Life Domains

The effect of religious conviction on the relative centrality of major life domains was examined through a representative sample of the Israeli labor force (n=942). The data were gathered in the framework of the MOW (Meaning of Work) international project. Independent-samples t tests yielded significant findings. Respondents with a strong religious conviction had a lower work centrality and a lower leisure centrality than those with a weak religious conviction. People with a strong religious conviction had a higher community centrality than those with a weak religious conviction. No significant difference was found between respondents with a strong religious conviction and those with a weak religious conviction concerning family centrality.

Workaholism in organizations: new research directions

Purpose – To produce a collection of papers about workaholism which demonstrate real rigour both methodologically and conceptually – something which the guest editors feel has been somewhat lacking in the subjects history.Design/methodology/approach – Introduces the topic, providing some background and discussion of the main concepts. Briefly introduces the papers and their main findingsFindings – The contributions illustrate the development of workaholism researchOriginality/value – Contextualizes the issue and extends the overall knowledge in the topic.