Ray Yep

The Limitations of Corporatism for Understanding Reforming China: An empirical analysis in a rural county

This paper challenges the usefulness of the notion of corporatism in conceptualizing the changing state‐society relationship in China. Based on an empirical analysis of the pattern of state‐business interaction in Huantai county, Shandong, it argues that though corporatism may exist in form, it does not exist in essence. The political reality in China differs from the corporatist description on two counts: business organizations do not function as vehicles of effective communication between state and society; and the heterogeneity among managers also hinders the possibility of collective exchange with the state. In other words, uncritical application of a corporatist perspective may firstly, exaggerate the implication of the emergence of social organization and hence misguide further inquiry, and secondly, it may also under-state the diversity within society during the reform process. In short, it may obscure as much as illuminate the dynamic social and political changes inherent in the reform process.

Globalization and Reunification: Administrative Reforms and the China–Hong Kong Convergence Challenge

When Hong Kong reintegrated with China in 1997, one critical issue was whether the flourishing center of economic activity with an efficient administrative framework would lose its advantages and become just another city of the Peoples Republic of China. This article examines the process of managing transition as socialist China tries to accommodate capitalist Hong Kong. With strong forces of globalization at play, both units have had to embark on administrative reforms to make their systems compatible with the demands of the new circumstances. An overview of the reforms they have undertaken reveals that convergence is possible despite markedly different points of departure. However, while the forces of globalization press for increased convergence, the forces of institutional arrangements and history present a major challenge. The balance of the push and pull of convergent and divergent forces will determine the direction and outcome of administrative reforms in China and Hong Kong.

Containing Land Grabs: a misguided response to rural conflicts over land

To a certain extent, a more stringent regime for requisition of rural land may help protect the interests of peasants. There is, however, a hierarchy of income opportunity in the countryside as a result of diversification of rural economic structure in reform China. The varying degree of land dependence renders a contrasting calculation on the value of land lease among Chinese peasants. For peasants in the more prosperous regions, the conflicts are primarily triggered by their exclusion from direct engagement in the land market and deprivation of the chance to maximise potential gain that fuels the growing tension in the countryside. A more direct response to this fundamental cause, however, requires audacious moves by the Party leadership venturing into zones of political taboo.

Globalization and state capacity in Asia

During the critical years of the 1980s and early 1990s, reducing the size of the state sector was a very dominant theme, especially when a number of former socialist countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa began moving beyond authoritarian rule to become more democratized polities. Such a political transformation is regarded by Huntington (1991) as a ‘third wave’ of democratization. Criticizing the state-centred approach for causing inefficiency in public management and governance, the re-ascendance of liberal ideas throughout much of the developed world dominated the discourse and reform of public management through adopting the ideas and policy instruments along the lines of ‘Thatcherism’ and ‘Reaganism’. The end of the Cold War in the late 1980s further marked the rise of the globalization era, in which the ideas and practices of neoliberalism have shaped not only economic development but also social, political and cultural developments across different parts of the globe (Woods 2000; Held and McGrew 2000). In order to strengthen their global competitiveness, modern states have begun to search for new governance models. Reinventing government and restructuring the public sector management has become increasingly popular, especially with the growing influence of the Washington consensus

Revisiting the golden era of MacLehose and the dynamics of social reforms

The so-called “MacLehose era” has been fondly remembered as a period marking the turning point in colonial rule in Hong Kong and its socioeconomic development in the postwar decades. This article, however, argues that it was London’s initiatives summarized in the document Hong Kong Planning Paper that accounted for the acceleration of social reforms in the 1970s. Contrary to popular perception, MacLehose, who was beholden to local constraints, appeared to be a reluctant reformer. His inclination to defend his vision of the colony’s interests brought him into heated exchanges and debates with British officials who were driven by different political calculations and strategic concerns back home. The altercations uncovered in this article reveal that the colony’s perimeter for action is certainly defined by the position of the sovereign; yet, the outcome of the process was hardly preordained. Beneath the facade of subservience and accommodation, colonial administrators had stubbornly defended their vision of local interests and tried to implement the reforms at their own pace. They appeared not to be swayed by the asymmetry of power in constitutional terms.

Enhancing the redistributive capacity of the Chinese state? Impact of fiscal reforms on county finance

Abstract Many observers contend that fiscal deprivation of the centre in reform China is detrimental to the overall capacity of the Chinese state, and thus the danger of national disintegration cannot be discarded. One relevant concern here is the obligation of the state to redress socio-economic dislocations, of which growing regional inequality is a major issue. The Tax Sharing Scheme introduced in 1994 represents the most colossal effort to redress the centre-local imbalance. The analysis of the patterns of income and expenditure of county finance between 1993 and 2002, however, highlights the many facets of state capacity and reiterates the possibility of state involvement amidst an improved fiscal position. The success in extractive capacity in this case does not guarantee parallel improvement in the central governments redistributive capacity. Analysis of local expenditure patterns shows that the growing support of the centre simply fails to reverse the declining level of local services in areas that may be targeted as key for poverty alleviation and equalization. The danger of the simple reading of the rise in extractive capacity attributed to the 1994 reform as a symptom of a strong central state is evident.

The crusade against corruption in Hong Kong in the 1970s: Governor MacLehose as a zealous reformer or reluctant hero?

The creation of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in February 1974 was arguably one of the most important developments in Hong Kong since 1945. Not only did major corruption syndicates disappear from the fabric of public administration in the colony, but the popular acceptance of bribery as a component of social life also faded away. Sir Murray MacLehose, who served as Governor of Hong Kong between 1971 and 1982, was regarded by locals as the maverick behind this miracle. This article argues, however, that the genesis of the ICAC could be better understood as a product of the cumulative efforts of MacLehose and his predecessors. The initiative should also be considered in the political context of the rising tension between London and the local community. In a way, the establishment of the ICAC helped pre-empt London’s intervention in this matter. Also, despite a public appearance of unbridled support for the crusade against corruption, MacLehose’s resolve was severely tested during the early years of the ICAC, and he did contemplate moderating the operation of the Commission, even before the partial amnesty in 1977.

‘Cultural Revolution in Hong Kong’: Emergency Powers, Administration of Justice and the Turbulent Year of 1967

The rule of law has always been cherished as one of the key institutions central to the successful transformation of Hong Kong from ‘a barren rock’ into a global city. The colonial administrations respect for the principles of the rule of law, however, has been tested by sporadic political turbulence during the 150 years of British rule. Due process of law and other key principles of English laws have been compromised by political expediency when the colonizers felt threatened by challenges from various sources. The 1967 Riots was one of those difficult times. Despite the facade of public support for firmness against disturbances enjoyed by the colonial government, the exercise of some of these emergency powers, particularly the powers to detain and deport, remained highly controversial. With normalization of the Anglo-Chinese relationship in mind, the confrontation prisoners constituted a stumbling block for renewing the friendship with Beijing. The various attempts made by London at pressurizing the Hong Kong government for early release of these prisoners attest to the prevalence of political expediency over the respect for the rule of law under colonial rule.

Understanding the autonomy of Hong Kong from historical and comparative perspectives

The exercise of autonomy is a product of the political process of mutual learning by the center and the periphery. Propriety of action and response from both sides is not judged simply on the basis of formal legal permissibility, but is also deciphered with reference to experience in previous encounters. Earlier exchanges and responses to interactions create institutional memory, protocols for action, and limits to legitimate expectations. For both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the central people’s government, the new framework, through mutual adjustment and adaptation, is still in the process of being made. Their parallel experience in handling the central and local relationship can serve as a good basis for their exchanges. The articles included in this issue provide comparisons in temporal and spatial terms that are crucial for understanding the autonomy of Hong Kong after 1997. These contributions do not simply reconfirm the disposition of local players to defend and assert their interests vis-a-vis the center; the discussion here also identifies factors shaping the manifestation of autonomy in the case of Hong Kong. Trust, reciprocity, agenda of the sovereign power, and resolution of conflict appear to be significant in shaping the outcome of centre—periphery interaction.

A Historical Perspective on Hong Kong Autonomy: Traditions of British Imperialism, Maritime Enclave and Contending Views of British Interest

This chapter tries to go beyond the formal constitutional order in deciphering the relationship between London and the colony before 1997. It first contextualizes the interaction between the two parties into the British imperial tradition and the distinctive role of the colony in the Empire. The consequent remoteness and indifference to the routine business on the ground provided ample space for the man on the spot to run the colony. It also reveals that autonomy has to be earned and that central to the colony’s success in minimizing close monitoring by London was her proven competence in administration and financial management. The actual negotiations were, however, determined by a number of variables such as political contingencies, personality and the proclivities of key players, calculation (or miscalculation) by the decision makers and, last but not the least, firmness of the sovereign power in asserting its views. And it is also important to count the existence of a solid foundation of mutual trust beneath all these encounters, including disagreements, between the two sides. The outcome of these exchanges and altercations was hardly preordained. The constitutional framework of subordination prescribed for the colony tells only half of the story.