Rebecca Glauber

Gender, Body Mass, and Socioeconomic Status: New Evidence from the PSID

Previous research provides evidence of a negative effect of body mass on womens economic outcomes. We extend this research by using a much older sample of individuals from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and by using a body mass measure that is lagged by 15 years instead of the traditional 7 years. One of the main contributions of this paper is a replication of previous research findings given our differing samples and measures. We compare OLS estimates with sibling fixed effects estimates and find that obesity is associated with an 18% reduction in womens wages, a 25% reduction in womens family income, and a 16% reduction in womens probability of marriage. These effects are robust--they persist much longer than previously understood and they persist across the life course, affecting older women as well as younger women.

LIMITED ACCESS: Gender, Occupational Composition, and Flexible Work Scheduling

The current study draws on national data to explore differences in access to flexible work scheduling by the gender composition of womens and mens occupations. Results show that those who work in integrated occupations are more likely to have access to flexible scheduling. Women and men do not take jobs with lower pay in return for greater access to flexibility. Instead, jobs with higher pay offer greater flexibility. Integrated occupations tend to offer the greatest access to flexible scheduling because of their structural locations. Part-time work is negatively associated with mens access to flexible scheduling but positively associated with womens access. Women have greater flexibility when they work for large establishments, whereas men have greater flexibility when they work for small establishments.

Women’s Work and Working Conditions Are Mothers Compensated for Lost Wages?

Few studies have analyzed variation in the motherhood wage penalty by the sex composition of women’s jobs. This study draws on nationally representative data to investigate the motherhood wage penalty for women who work in female-dominated, male-dominated, and integrated jobs. Fixed-effects estimates reveal that women who work in female-dominated jobs pay a larger motherhood wage penalty than women who work in other jobs. This larger penalty is not offset by measurable compensating differentials, such as flexible scheduling or part-time work hours.

Exploring the spatial wage penalty for women: Does it matter where you live?

Inequality between men and women has decreased over the past four decades in the US, but wage inequality among groups of women has increased. As metropolitan womens earnings grew by 25% over the past four decades, nonmetropolitan womens earnings only grew by 15%. In the current study we draw on data from the Current Population Survey to analyze the spatial wage gap among women. We explore differences in the spatial wage gap by education, occupation, and industry. Regression models that control for marriage, motherhood, race, education, region, age, and work hours indicate that metropolitan women earn 17% more per hour than nonmetropolitan women. Nonmetropolitan women earn less than metropolitan women who live in central cities and outside central cities. The gap in metropolitan-nonmetropolitan wages is higher for more educated women than for less educated women. The wage gap is only 5% for women without a high school degree, but it is 15% for women with a college degree and 26% for women with an advanced degree. Nonmetropolitan college graduates are overrepresented in lower-paying occupations and industries. Metropolitan college graduates, however, are overrepresented in higher-paying occupations and industries, such as professional services and finance.

Gender Differences in Spousal Care Across the Later Life Course

Spouses often serve as the primary caregivers to their ill or disabled partners. Studies have shown that men receive more care from their wives than vice versa, but few studies have focused on how the gender gap in care varies across the later life course. Drawing on data from the Health and Retirement Study, this study examined the moderating effects of age, gender, and full-time employment on married women’s and men’s receipt of spousal care. This study found that among community-dwelling married adults, the gender gap in care was larger among those in middle age (50–65) than it was among those in older age. As women and men aged, the gender gap decreased primarily because men left full-time work and increased the amount of time that they spent caring for their wives. As gender differences in full-time employment narrowed, the gender gap in spousal care narrowed.