Rebecca Storey
University of Houston
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Archive | 2005
Rebecca Storey; Randolph J. Widmer; Victor Bulmer-Thomas; John H. Coatsworth; Roberto Cortes-Conde
Introduction Latin America constitutes a large and geographically diverse region of the New World. Physiographically it is characterized by a high precipitous mountain range, the Sierra Madres in Central America and the Andes in South America with a narrow Pacific coastal plain. Broad welldrained low-lying basins are found on the eastern slopes of these mountains that run into the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico while there are extensive high arid plains such as the Altiplano of Mexico and South America and the punas of Peru, Bolivia and Chile. There are also a number of tropical islands extending north from South America forming an archipelago in the Caribbean Sea terminating in the Bahamas. These can be humid or desert depending on their situation with respect to prevailing winds and mountains. A number of large islands notably Cuba and Hispaniola, form the northwestern arm of this island chain. One distinctive feature of Latin America is that it has a very long north/south axis, while having little continental area that is east/west and that which exists is broken by the continental divide of the north/south trending mountain ranges. This north south spine crosscuts latitudes, making it difficult for animals and plants to naturally migrate east/west. Typically, similar climates lie along common latitude, but in Latin America the same latitude is dissected by altitudinal gradients that result in incredibly diverse ecosystems. This has important consequences for the development of agriculture and economy. What results is a patchwork of environmental regimes and cultures that have adapted to them. Some more extensive and large-scale political systems have taken advantage of the juxtaposition of different environmental and climatic regimes to integrate them into complex economies. In other situations, this extreme dissection has resulted in the isolation and differentiation of economic systems with political systems unable to expand the boundaries of local economies.
Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences | 2017
Randolph J. Widmer; Rebecca Storey
Food at Teotihuacan was more likely affected by social inequality than by availability. The skeletons from Tlajinga 33 have high prevalence of skeletal indicators of morbidity. Since this was a lower-status compound of artisans, this could be due to poor diet, as well as an unhygienic environment. Analysis of faunal remains suggests that animal remains were an important and plentiful component of the diet. However, most consist of insects, small fish, reptiles, avian eggs, and small mammals. Of particular importance is the size and nutritional value of these dietary items, as many would be considered vermin which were available solely because of attraction to stored foods. It is important to employ proper recovery techniques to eliminate bias in size of animal remains to obtain an accurate understanding of the total diet. We demonstrate that there was adequate animal protein in the Tlajinga 33 diet, but it was very different than what is usually considered “animal protein.” Thus, the residents had access to a nutritious and balanced diet, and this information eliminates protein deficiency as cause of the morbidity. Instead, the focus is on the urban environment and any status disadvantages faced by residents dependent on market exchange for staple foods.
Archive | 1992
Rebecca Storey
Archive | 2002
Lourdes Márquez Morfín; Robert McCaa; Rebecca Storey; Andres Del Angel
Archive | 2006
Glenn R. Storey; Rebecca Storey; Li Liu; Sarah M. Nelson; Roger S. Bagnall
Archive | 2007
Eleanor Harrison-Buck; Patricia A. McAnany; Rebecca Storey
Archive | 2006
Glenn R. Storey; Rebecca Storey; Li Liu; Sarah M. Nelson; Roger S. Bagnall
Archive | 2012
Rebecca Storey
Archive | 2018
Rebecca Storey; Lourdes Márquez Morfín; Luis Fernando Núñez
The 81st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology | 2017
Randolph J. Widmer; Rebecca Storey