Rhacel Salazar Parreñas

MIGRANT FILIPINA DOMESTIC WORKERS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DIVISION OF REPRODUCTIVE LABOR

This article examines the politics of reproductive labor in globalization. Using the case of migrant Filipina domestic workers, the author presents the formation of a three-tier transfer of reproductive labor in globalization between the following groups of women: (1) middle-class women in receiving nations, (2) migrant domestic workers, and (3) Third World women who are too poor to migrate. The formation of this international division of labor suggests that reproduction activities, as they have been increasingly commodified, have to be situated in the context of the global market economy. This division of labor is a structural process that determines the migration of Filipina domestic workers. As such, this article also uses in-depth interviews to examine and enumerate the contradictions that migrant Filipina domestic workers experience in their family and work lives as a result of “being in the middle” of this division of labor.

Transnational Fathering: Gendered Conflicts, Distant Disciplining and Emotional Gaps

Womens migration spurs the reconfiguration of the gender division of labour in transnational families, while the migration of men maintains it. Father-away migrant families usually mirror modern nuclear households. The only difference is the temporal and spatial rearrangement brought by the fathers work: instead of the father routinely getting back home to his family during suppertime, he comes back home from work every ten months. My paper looks at the transnational families of migrant men as unexpected sites of gender conflicts in the maintenance of intimacy. Using interviews with adult children left behind in the Philippines and their guardians, I show that intimacy is more of a challenge for migrant men to achieve with family in the Philippines than it is for migrant women. Their families suffer from emotional distance, because: generations operate in ‘time pockets’ that are ‘outside the real time of the outside world’; migrant men do not accordingly adjust their performance of fathering to accommod...Womens migration spurs the reconfiguration of the gender division of labour in transnational families, while the migration of men maintains it. Father-away migrant families usually mirror modern nuclear households. The only difference is the temporal and spatial rearrangement brought by the fathers work: instead of the father routinely getting back home to his family during suppertime, he comes back home from work every ten months. My paper looks at the transnational families of migrant men as unexpected sites of gender conflicts in the maintenance of intimacy. Using interviews with adult children left behind in the Philippines and their guardians, I show that intimacy is more of a challenge for migrant men to achieve with family in the Philippines than it is for migrant women. Their families suffer from emotional distance, because: generations operate in ‘time pockets’ that are ‘outside the real time of the outside world’; migrant men do not accordingly adjust their performance of fathering to accommodate the needs created by distance; and fathers insist on maintaining gender-normative views of parenting.

Transnational Mothering: A Source of Gender Conflict in the Family

The Philippines sends out an average of 1.000.000 workers per annum or 3.000 workers per day. In the last 20 years, the majority of Filipino migrant workers were women.

The Gender Paradox in the Transnational Families of Filipino Migrant Women

This article examines the division of labor in the transnational families of migrant mothers from the Philippines using interviews with young adult children and guardians in 30 mother-away transnational families. It looks closely at the work of fathers, migrant mothers, eldest daughters, and extended kin to show that caring practices in the transnational families of migrant women perpetuate conventional gender norms of the family. As it specifically shows that the work of women both at home and abroad maintains transnational migrant families, this article establishes that womens migration has not led to a more egalitarian division of labor in the family.

Sexual labors: interdisciplinary perspectives toward sex as work: introduction

What constitutes ‘sex’ and defines ‘labor’ has varied across time and space, we have learned over the last 35 years through an explosion of monographs and articles in the history and sociology of sexuality and labor studies. But rarely has the new labor studies, with its attention to gender, race, and ethnicity and its consideration of unpaid as well as paid work, put sexual labors at the center of its focus. Even the rich literature on prostitution more likely has come out of women’s studies than labor studies. Similarly, scholarship on sexuality focuses more on sex acts and identities than on markets, work culture, labor standards, collective action, and occupational segregation – the stuff of labor studies. The referents and literature for these fields stand apart – despite the growth of LGBTQ caucuses in the labor movement, renewed feminist debates over sex work, and the commercialization and proliferation of sexual services and unionization of exotic dancers. To situate our discussion of sex work within discourses of labor studies, we insist on using the term ‘sexual labor’. We move away from the term ‘sex work’, which is a politically laden concept that seeks to argue against the notion that prostitution is inherently harmful to women. By problematizing the term ‘sex work’, the essays in this volume refuse to fall prey to the debate on whether sex work is a legitimate form of labor or prostitution is a form of sexual slavery (Alexander, 1998; Barry, 1995; Clement, 2006; Duggan and Hunter, 1995; Outshoorn, 2005). Instead, we engage the concept of ‘sexual labor’ so as to expand discussions on commercial sex as an economic and labor enterprise in which workers Introduction

What Is Human Trafficking? A Review Essay

H uman trafficking is a major international policy concern of the twentyfirst century. Although human trafficking is often confused with human smuggling and migration, given that these practices also involve the movement of persons, there are important differences between them. The United Nations “Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime” (otherwise known as the Palermo Protocol) defines “trafficking in persons” as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.” In short, the defining traits of trafficking are, first, the transportation of a person; second, force, fraud, or coercion; and, finally, exploitation. By this definition, the consent of a person is irrelevant. In contrast, the United Nations Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air accounts for consent in its definition of human smuggling. The body has clarified that the “smuggling of migrants” is “the procurement . . . of the illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident.” Simply put, the legal violation under human smuggling pertains to the illicit crossing of nation-

The Gender Ideological Clash in Globalization: Women, Migration, and the Modernization Building Project of the Philippines

My article interrogates the local impacts of global economic processes on the socio-cultural geography of the Philippines. I argue that the development of an export-oriented Filipino economy incorporates a gender ideological clash resulting from simultaneously encouraging and discouraging female domesticity. This clash emerges from the economic dependency of the Philippines on women s work outside the home on the one hand, and a longstanding gender ideology that continues to locate womens gender responsibilities inside the home on the other hand. The dependence of the Philippines on remittances from women s migrant domestic work magnifies this clash. My article looks closely at this gender ideological clash caused by working women s paradoxical positioning vis-a-vis the home, addresses why this clash occurs, describes its consequences for relations in the family, and, lastly, links it to a larger discussion of the status of women in globalization.

Migrant Domestic Workers as ‘One of the Family’

Twenty-nine-year-old Girlie is one of approximately 4,100 Filipino au pairs in Denmark, 20 of whom I interviewed in Denmark in the summer of 2012. As an au pair, Girlie only works 30 hours a week. She mostly performs light cleaning and sometimes she helps in the kitchen and with afternoon childcare. Her current workload is a vast improvement from her prior job in Singapore where she worked as a domestic worker for five and a half years. In Singapore, she worked from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. Her duties included general cleaning, cooking, hand-washing the entire laundry, cleaning the car and doing childcare. By relocating from Singapore to Denmark, Girlie saw a jump in her salary from US

Multicultural East Asia: An Introduction

270 to US

Not Every Family: Selective Reunification in Contemporary US Immigration Laws

580.