Rhys H. Williams

Book ReviewsThe Sociology of Religious Movements.By William Sims Bainbridge. New York: Routledge, 1997. Pp. vi + 474.

William Sims Bainbridge has produced a textbook, in two senses of the word. First, this is a text on the sociology of religious movements, suitable for graduate seminars and upper-division undergraduate classes. It is less survey coverage of the field than an introduction to religious movements through concepts and examples drawn from Bainbridge’s own research and theorizing. Thus, it is perspectival, committed, and engaging. Second, this is a textbook case of application of theory to data; Bainbridge begins with the “theory of religion,” which he has developed in conjunction with Rodney Stark (roughly, a rational choice theory of religious motivation, based on the provision of supernatural “compensators” by religious groups), and applies it to the dynamics of a series of religious movements, such as the family, the holiness movements, and the contemporary new age. As a text (in the first sense), Bainbridge’s book will be useful to many scholars. There is a wealth of empirical data, from GSS analysis to ethnographic to historical material. As a textbook application of theory, readers will respond based on their orientation to the grounding assumptions; as the Stark-Bainbridge theory is central to much of the rational choice work currently controversial in the sociology of religion, the response will no doubt be divided. After an initial chapter that lays out the basics of the guiding theory, the book is divided into three sections, covering the dynamics of “schism” (sects formed from divisions within religious bodies), “innovation” (cults formed as innovative new religions within their cultural contexts), and “transformation” (dealing with and changing the societal environment). Each section has an initial chapter covering a general topic pertinent to the section’s theme, followed by three chapters of empirical examples. The initial orienting chapters in each section are a bit idiosyncratic as Bainbridge only glances over the literature before developing his own ideas about the issue in question. The results are uneven—the examination of church-sect theory works well for the section on schism. However, a lengthy excursion into Watergate (and another on the Star Wars trilogy in the conclusion) did not reward the space allotted. As is often true with rational actor models, individual-level analyses continually rise to the fore. For example, the chapter on “cultural diffusion” (orienting the “innovation” section) spends most of its attention on conversion, and the chapter on “morality” (orienting the “transformation” section) discusses the effects of religious beliefs on controlling deviant behavior such as substance abuse, larceny, and suicide. In the empirical chapters, Bainbridge is interested in religious movements because they represent a special form of religion, rather than being interested in religious movements as a special case of social movements

74.95 (cloth);

Nancy Ammerman’s latest work does not lack for ambition. Weaving together conceptual strands from the sociologies of community change, organizational ecology, religion, and culture with data from a comparative study of 23 congregations in nine communities, Ammerman explores how changes in the surrounding community affect religious congregations. In particular, she is interested in how and why some congregations adapt while others do not. The data include ethnographic, survey, interview, and archival material collected by Ammerman and a team of 16 researchers. Ammerman handles this much material through a number of organizing frameworks. There is regional variation; more important, the communities were chosen because they have recent experience with economic, cultural, or social structural transitions. The subject congregations were selected to represent a variety of traditions (all Christian), governance polities, sizes, and demographic makeup. Finally, the chapters on the congregations themselves are organized by the response to change (persistence and decline, relocation in place or identity, or three kinds of adaptation), while each congregation is discussed in terms of its “resources” (buildings, finances, and human capital), “structures of authority” (both external denominational and within the congregation), and “culture” (generally, ideas and practices that represent congregational identity). Perhaps inevitably, the book has a sprawling feel to it; it is difficult to summarize. If there is one sociological “rule” that emerges, it may well be that those congregations that adapt to change—and thus seem to survive and even prosper—must deal with the challenges openly. This involves conflict over program, leadership, and identity. But it is only by engaging such conflict directly and working through it that congregations can navigate their changing environments. It is a lesson useful for religious congregations, secular voluntary associations, and social movement organizations. Other important insights include the necessary but insufficient character of material resources such as buildings and budgets. Without the will and skill to “mobilize” such resources, they can be obstacles, as constraining as they are enabling. Ammerman also shows that the connections between various elements of organizational culture are contingent upon ideological and identity work. Conservative theology may point congregations toward particular types of programs, members, or politics, but no avenue is determined or invariant. And the importance of the physical environment, from the character of church architecture to the attachment to a specific location, is a corrective to “place-less” sociologies.