Richard E. W. Adams

Radar mapping, archeology, and ancient maya land use.

A severe incongruity has long existed between the well-known complexity of ancient Maya civilization and the relatively feeble economic base that could be reconstructed for it. Recent fieldwork has ihdicated that much more intensive cultivation patterns were used than was previously thought. Data from the use of synthetic aperture radar in aerial surveys of the southern Maya lowlands suggest that large areas were drained by ancient canals that may have been used for intensive cultivation. Ground checks in several limited areas have confirmed the existence of canals, and excavations and ground surveys have provided valuable comparative information. Taken together, the new data suggest that Late Class period Maya civilization was firmly grounded in large-scale and intensive cultivation of swampy zones.

Cacao Residues in Ancient Maya Vessels from Rio Azul, Guatemala

Results of chemical analyses on residues collected from ceramic vessels found in an Early Classic period Maya tomb revealed that certain of the residues contained theobromine and caffeine, a clear indication that the corresponding vessels once contained cacao in some form. One of the vessels yielding cacao residues is decorated with hieroglyphs, two of which we believe have the phonetic values for the word “cacao” in the Mayan language. These findings are significant for three reasons: (1) a new method for recognizing ancient cacao use is demonstrated, (2) a novel way of verifying glyph interpretations is presented, and (3) data are generated that indicate what contents certain Maya vessels actually held, thus permitting useful functional interpretations.

Archaeological Research at the Lowland Maya City of Rio Azul

Five seasons of archaeological fieldwork at the Maya lowland site of Rio Azul are summarized. The site is an urban center located on the Rio Azul. The locality was occupiedfrom at least 900 B.C. to ca. A.D. 800. Farming villages gave way ca. 150 B.C. to communities that built large platforms, and the urban center was established about A.D. 200. Rio Azul apparently was conquered by Tikal ca. A.D. 380 and became a frontier city and commercial center. Strong influence from TeotEhuacan is indicated. A hiatus in the sixth century A.D. evidently represents a period of civil wars. Rio Azul was reoccupied and then overrun again in the ninth century by northern Maya groups. Once more reoccupied, it was finally abandoned ca. A.D. 880. Evidence for ancient cultural institutions also is summarized.

Commentary: Rebuttal to Pope and Dahlin

AbstractExamination of the synthetic aperture radar imagery and of the hydraulic characteristics of Maya lowland swamps has led Kevin O. Pope and Bruce H. Dahlin (“AncientMaya Wetland Agriculture: New Insights from Ecological and Remote Sensing Research,” Journal of Field Archaeology 16 [1989] 87–106) to conclude that there is no connection between lattice patterns in the imagery and raised fields in the swamps. They further conclude that there are no significant numbers of raised fields in periodic swamps. We examine the arguments and points raised and find them tenuous at best, and disingenuous at worst. We conclude that the SAR imagery does indeed indicate raised field and canal systems and that they exist in the large periodic swamps of the Maya lowlands.

The Paleoindian and Archaic Cultures of Mesoamerica

Lithic or Preceramic are the descriptive terms alternatively attached to New World archaeological sites of this first prehistoric era, reflecting die fact that stone tools make up the bulk of the artifacts found and that pottery was not yet part of the cultural assemblage. The Lithic/Preceramic era is further divided into two periods: an initial Paleoindian period, followed by the Archaic. Beyond the various chronological complications, attempts at reconstructing the first periods of Mesoamerican prehistory are adversely biased as a result of their disproportionate dependence on archaeological data derived from interior highland regions of the area. The idea of a big-game hunting tradition implies not only a technological capability but also the development of new organizational strategies to successfully pursue a large and potentially lethal quarry. A better understanding of the process of early agricultural development might be gained by paying more attention to the role of intergroup social interaction during the Late Archaic.

Maya Archaeology, 1976–1980: a Review of Major Publications

AbstractA survey of publications in Maya archaeology in the quinquennium 1976–1980 shows a high rate of production of both monographs and papers, embodying radical changes in knowledge of ancient Maya subsistence, settlements, social structure, and intellectual superstructure. Traditional monographs as well as extensive interim reports convey detailed information on surveys and excavations, while specialized seminars have joined periodic congresses and continuing journal publication as vehicles for topical papers. The review examines major publications by geographical area, and then analyzes current knowledge of several key topics in Maya archaeology.

The Classic Maya Collapse: A Correction

At the risk of upsetting what seems to be startling unanimity of agreement among the members of the conference on the Maya Collapse, I must dissent from views inputed to me in the recently published volume of papers on the subject (Culbert, ed., The classic Maya collapse, 1973). Sabloff and I therein disagree on major aspects about interpretations of Pasion River archaeology. However, in a lengthy footnote, J. A. Sabloff says that we are now in agreement on a compromise hypothesis (in Culbert 1973:130). This hypothesis includes the feature of two Terminal Classic intrusions into the sites of Altar de Sacrificios and Seibal. I agree with this, but not with the following extension. Sabloff accepts my interpretation that the second intrusion was from the Tabasco zone, but says that it was responsible for the second phase of late monuments at Seibal as well as for the rise of the finepaste Jimba ceramic complex at Altar.

A Correction to Marcus's “Lowland Maya Archaeology at the Crossroads”

in my text. I might add, however, that the boundaries of such districts probably cannot be known with great precision. Rather than obtaining an index of the site weight per square kilometer to compare the districts (as Adams would evidently prefer), I submit that it is more satisfactory simply to compare the total site weight index figures district by district through time. Finally, Adams asserts that my survey results do not show a site density typical of the Southwest, and implies that I could not adequately have covered my study area in six months of fieldwork. He is welcome to his opinion of course, but I am confident that the relative spareness of the settlement in my study area is real. Readers interested in a vastly different review of my monograph are referred to James Hills (1981) discussion in the American Anthropologist.