Richard G. Braungart

Age, Sex, and Social Factors in Fear of Crime

Abstract The joint or combined effects of age level, sex differences, and social factors in fear of crime are systematically investigated using elaboration analysis with 1976 NORC data. Findings reveal that while the elderly are somewhat more likely to report fear of crime when compared with young and middle-aged groups, many more women express apprehension than men at each age level. Fear of being victimized is especially prevalent among those segments of the population that are the most isolated and vulnerable, notably elderly and middle-aged black women, unmarried older women living alone, elderly women in poor health, and women of all ages who had been burglarized.

The Life-Course Development of Left- and Right-Wing Youth Activist Leaders from the 1960s1

This study examines the life-course development of selected former political activist leaders from the 1960s. Three theoretical perspectives contribute to our understanding of life-course development: life cycle, socialization, and political generations. While most research of 1960s American student activists focused on left-wing activists, this study investigates the lives of both leftand right-wing political activists. Based on life-history interviews with 13 leaders of the left-wing Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and 11 leaders of the right-wing Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), three distinct stages in the life-course of these activists are examined and compared: their formative childhood and adolescent years, their 1960s activist-youth stage, and their postactivist adult lives. Results indicate that (1) there was political continuity in the life-course development of SDS and YAF leaders; (2) data support the life-cycle, socialization, and generational explanations for youth movements, and suggest further that these factors interacted at each stage in the life-course development of the former 1960s activist leaders; and (3) while similar in life-cycle and generational dynamics, SDS and YAF leaders differed most in their political socialization experiences.

The Democratic state

This collection of five original essays by seven of the best-known political-economy theorists addresses the interconnections between the economy and the polity and embodies the leading theoretical approaches to the political economy of the state.

YOUTH MOVEMENTS IN THE 1980s: A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

Using a broad definition of youth movements, this study examines the extent and type of youth movement activity throughout the 1980s in the major regions of the world. The objectives of the investigation are to determine: (1) how much youth movement activity has occurred between 1980 and 1989, (2) over what issues young people have mobilised and protested, (3) whether the 1980s youth movements are similar to those of the 1960s, and (4) how the various youth movements of the 1980s may be explained. Based on information taken from news sources, manuscripts, books and journals, youth movements that occurred from 1980 to 1989 are described for each global region. The findings of the study, while not exhaustive, indicate that there was widespread youthful political protest throughout the world over many issues, with the youth movements of the 1980s representing both a continuation and departure from the 1960s generation. The extensive youth movement activity of the 1980s is partially rooted in significant global changes and trends-most notably, a decline in East-West superpower influence; different issues of concern among youth in the Northern hemispheric countries versus those in the Southern hemispheric countries; and the rise in cultural pluralism, self-determination and political activity in every global region.

Youth Problems and Politics in the 1980s: Some Multinational Comparisons

The personal, social and political views of young people are examined using two separate multinational surveys of youth conducted in 18 countries around the world Results from the 1983 11-Nation Japanese World Survey and the 1982 Euro- Barometer 10-Nation Survey suggest that while youth (between the ages of 15/18-24) exhibit national differences, more importantly, they share many attitudinal features in common. Three themes in particular stand out characterising young peoples personal lives, social attitudes and politics in the early 1980s: first, the majority of youth in these surveys are stable in their transition to adulthood; second, youth are searching for more independence in their lives, and third, young people express a surprising amount of approval for political mobilisation over contemporary political issues. These findings support both the socialisation and generational theories in political sociology.

Protest Attitudes and Behavior Among College Youth: A U.S. Case Study

In the spring of 1964, a new age began on college campuses in the United States. With the sudden appearance of the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley attention was focused on the university and on its student population-especially its activist student population. Social scientists, as well as journalists and politicians, addressed themselves to institutional unrest attempting to understand and explain the causes of student protest behavior. Since 1964, the “Berkeley invention” has spread to campuses throughout tlie country. By tlie spring of 1968, over 700 students were arrested at Columbia University after outside police were brought on campus to quell a student revolt. What was significant about the Columbia incident was the fact that confrontation with the police and tlie bloody violence that ensued radicalized a

College and noncollege youth politics in 1972: An application of Mannheim's generation unit model

This article examines youth politics employing Mannheims theory of generation units. Specifically, a multivariate model was constructed to test and compare sets of social location and consciousness factors explaining political behavior among two random samples of college and noncollege youth. Just prior to the 1972 presidential election, 373 Syracuse University students and 134 local Syracuse residents between the ages of 18 and 25 were surveyed to determine their presidential candidate support and urge to participate in a demonstration. Path analysis was used to examine the direct, indirect, and total effects of the variables in the model. Results indicated that (1) the relationships predicting youth politics differed within and between the two youth groups; (2) 55% of the variance in presidential candidate support and 33% of the variance in urge to demonstrate were explained by the variables in the college student model, and the comparable figures for the noncollege group were 39% and 38%, respectively; (3) family status and personal political attitudes differentiated candidate support and urge to demonstrate among college students, while demographic characteristics, family status, and institutional confidence explained considerable variance in politics among the noncollege youth. The form of Mannheims generation unit model provided a useful tool for comparing youth groups within the same generation; the contents await replication and verification.

Parental Identification and Student Politics

Data collected from a sample of 1,246 student political activists and nonactivists failed to support the proposition that parental identification of sons with their mothers is differentially related to student political activism. The present study revealed that: (1) students tended to be consistent in their attitudes toward both parents, that is, the plurality of students in our sample did not identify more frequently with one parent than with the other; (2) of those youth identifying with one parent more often than the other, both sexes tended to identify more frequently with mothers than with fathers, although this identification was more prevalent among females than among males; and (3) left-wing activist males identified less frequently with their mothers than did the other student groups in our sample.

Youth status and national development: A global assessment in the 1980s.

Using a data set of 123 countries, the global status of youth is assessed by examining the relationship between national development and a youth-adult ratio, or the number of youth relative to the number of adults in a nation. First, the size of the population of youth in comparison to the size of the adult population is determined, where it becomes evident that the majority of nations have high or very high numbers of youth relative to adults. Second, the opportunities nations provide their young people are evaluated by looking at the range and average levels of economic, political, social, and educational development within the modern world system. Third, a strong relationship is found between relative size of the youth population and national development, with youth ratios most closely associated with educational and political development. The results of this study demonstrate the existence of inter-age and intra-age stratification throughout the world, which has important implications for the future well-being of youth as well as the world system of nation-states.

Journey into All-or-Nothing Politics@@@The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage.

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