Richard Teese

School Dropout and Completion

School dropout remains a persistent and critical problem in many school systems. Nations have come to rely on successful completion of schooling for establishing careers and accessing post-compulsory qualifications. However, young people do not complete their schooling and are therefore excluded from these advantages. As a result they face consequences such as higher likelihood of unemployment, lower earnings, greater dependence on welfare and poorer physical health and well-being. This book compares the various approaches taken by many western nations to reduce drop out and raise school completion rates. This is done by evaluating the impact of these approaches on rates of dropout and completion. Case studies of national systems are used to highlight the different approaches including institutional arrangements and the various alternative secondary school programs and their outcomes.

International Studies in Educational Inequality, Theory and Policy

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Post-compulsory education and training: Some recent research findings and their policy implications

The twenty-first century has ushered in a new phase in the history of secondary education in Australia. Behind lies a decade of stagnation in which the economic impulses to greater use of school have not been strong enough to drive up retention rates. These peaked during the 1990 recession and subsequently fell back to the levels of the late 1980s, when around 3 in 4 young people completed school. There has been little movement since. Policy-makers are concerned about the lack of growth, and have begun to set targets. Reviews of post-compulsory education and training (or of the senior secondary curriculum alone) have been undertaken or are in progress in several States and Territories, and the federal government has funded vocational programs to make schools focus more on employment. Though no doubt from different points of view or different value perspectives, governments across Australia are determined to change how secondary education works. More young people are expected to complete school and the orientation of school programs is being broadened. When participation in school involves as many as three in four young people, the policy drive to extend this still further naturally raises the questions, What is at stake? Why is more growth needed? Is it feasible or even desirable to keep 80% or as many as 90% of the age-group at school (or the majority of these, with the rest in training)? To answer these questions involves examining the extent and the value of participation in post-compulsory education and training on the part of different populations, while keeping in mind the historical context within which participation reached its current levels. To do this, we will draw on an extensive national survey of early school leavers administered during 2000, on data from the Educational Outcomes Survey conducted across Australia between 19941996, and on findings from the tracking of over 6,000 students in the Victorian Certificate of Education (VCE) in 1998. These sources provide insights into the

Time and Space in the Reproduction of Educational Inequality

It is characteristic of the richer nations of the world that after half a century of heavy investment in education there should still be very marked social inequalities in opportunities and outcomes (UNICEF 2002). The intense activity that accompanied post Second World War reconstruction and sustained economic growth up to the mid-1970s created expansive structures in many European countries. These would support prolonged schooling and wide use of tertiary education long after growth had faltered and unemployment had returned as a constant source of uncertainty. Once fuelled by rising incomes and rising aspirations, participation in postcompulsory education and training continued to increase in the last decades of the twentieth-century.

Curriculum Hierarchy, Private Schooling, and the Segmentation of Australian Secondary Education, 1947—1985

Abstract Private schools in Australia are a large, influential and heavily subsidized sector of secondary education, offering academic and social advantages to their mainly professional and managerial clients. Their influence on patterns of inequality in higher education and career recruitment is usually seen as a function of their homogeneity of intakes and higher resource levels. This paper argues that these factors become important, not through the operation of networks and family allegiances, but because of the way in which private schools exploit the curriculum. Private schools enable families to exercise scholastic power, not only social and political power. But this depends on maintaining an academic curriculum and on the ability of private schools to exploit the cultural values embedded in this curriculum. Success reinforces the authority of the curriculum over all schools, not just private non‐Catholic establishments, and through this a wider influence is exerted over social structure. This argum...

Structural Inequality in Australian Education

The trend to mass secondary education in Australia over the last fifty years has been marked by few pauses. In the 1940s, only 1 in 10 young people reached the end of high school, almost all bound for university. This figure would rise to about 1 in 3 by the mid-1970s and to 3 out of 4 by the end of the century (Teese and Polesel 2003: 3; CDE 1986: 22). There would be a flow-on to higher education, if not proportional, then at least very considerable. By the early 1980s, the 10 per cent who had once reached university had risen to between 1 in 5 and 1 in 4 (Anderson and Vervoorn 1983: 33). Participation in higher education continued to climb in subsequent decades (DEET 1993: 333), with the result that by the mid-1990s over a third of the age-group (36 per cent) could expect to enter higher education directly from school, with a further 9 per cent reaching university as mature-age students (Aungles, Karmel and Wu 2000: 8; James 2002: 5).

The political functions of the central administration of Catholic education in France

Consumer demand for private schooling in France contributed to the fall of the Mauroy government in 1984 after attempts to integrate Catholic schools within the public system. While research has focused on the origins of demand for Catholic schools in the academic and social insecurities of the French middle and upper classes, less attention has been paid to the Catholic administration as a provider of schools and a defensive apparatus against state intervention. This paper examines the system‐maintenance functions of the Catholic bureaucracy, especially its relaying of public resources and its filtering out of government and labour union controls.

Vocational Education and Training in France and Germany: Friend or Foe of the Educationally Disadvantaged?

The modern history of education systems in the developed world shows two striking trends which are related – the mass use of secondary education and widening vulnerability to failure at school. The more that young people have stayed on at school, the wider the net that school has thrown over the population and the greater the exposure of weaker groups to the demands of school. In the early decades after the Second World War, the majority of children from working-class backgrounds did not attempt extended secondary schooling. Many were considered to be underachievers. They repeated grades and were not admitted to academic secondary schools, or if they were admitted, they were placed in terminal courses. Thus failure came early and was definitive. Massification came later – though national chronologies vary – and, along with this, insecurity at a higher level of schooling. The children who had once completed only compulsory schooling (if that) and who had found refuge of sorts in the labour market progressively surrendered this protection which the stagnating economies of the late 1970s had greatly undermined. They were now trapped between the failure of economic institutions – to deliver more growth, especially in accessible areas of employment – and the failure that educational institutions could and would visit upon them.

Social Inequalities in Education

Theories of inequality in education offer more or less scope to public policy. They expose a field to intervention which may be relatively confined or more extensive, depending on what structures, processes and activities are identified as salient and also accessible to policy.

Generations of advantage and generations of disadvantage: equity versus excellence in Australian higher education

The persistence of inequality in rich nations suggests that education systems create and re-create generations of advantage and generations of disadvantage. They do so because both the culture of education and the institutional arrangements which embody this culture offer a set of highly adaptable tools. With these tools, one generation of socially advantaged families can reproduce advantage for a second generation in a context of ongoing change. This includes blocking and frustrating the aspirations of families whose disadvantage thus accumulates over generations. Sociologists have described this as “status conflict”, following Max Weber (Collins 1977; Weber 1976).