Rimantas Jankauskas
Vilnius University
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Featured researches published by Rimantas Jankauskas.
Science | 2009
Barbara Bramanti; Mark G. Thomas; Wolfgang Haak; M. Unterlaender; P. Jores; Kristiina Tambets; I. Antanaitis-Jacobs; M. N. Haidle; Rimantas Jankauskas; C. J. Kind; F. Lueth; Thomas Terberger; J. Hiller; Shuichi Matsumura; Peter Forster; Joachim Burger
Cultivating Farmers Were the ancestors of modern Europeans the local hunter-gatherers who assimilated farming practices from neighboring cultures, or were they farmers who migrated from the Near East in the early Neolithic? By analyzing ancient hunter-gatherer skeletal DNA from 2300 to 13,400 B.C.E. Bramanti et al. (p. 137, published online 3 September) investigated the genetic relationship of European Ice Age hunter-gatherers, the first farmers of Europe, and modern Europeans. The results reject the hypothesis of direct continuity between hunter-gatherers and early farmers and between hunter-gatherers and modern Europeans. Major parts of central and northern Europe were colonized by incoming farmers 7500 years ago, who were not descended from the resident hunter-gatherers. Thus, migration rather than cultural diffusion was the driver of farming communities in Europe. Skeletal DNA shows the relationship between Ice Age hunter-gatherers, the first farmers, and modern Europeans. After the domestication of animals and crops in the Near East some 11,000 years ago, farming had reached much of central Europe by 7500 years before the present. The extent to which these early European farmers were immigrants or descendants of resident hunter-gatherers who had adopted farming has been widely debated. We compared new mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences from late European hunter-gatherer skeletons with those from early farmers and from modern Europeans. We find large genetic differences between all three groups that cannot be explained by population continuity alone. Most (82%) of the ancient hunter-gatherers share mtDNA types that are relatively rare in central Europeans today. Together, these analyses provide persuasive evidence that the first farmers were not the descendants of local hunter-gatherers but immigrated into central Europe at the onset of the Neolithic.
Current Biology | 2016
Ana T. Duggan; Maria F. Perdomo; Dario Piombino-Mascali; Stephanie Marciniak; Debi Poinar; Matthew V. Emery; Jan P. Buchmann; Sebastián Duchêne; Rimantas Jankauskas; Margaret Humphreys; G. Brian Golding; John Southon; Alison M. Devault; Jean Marie Rouillard; Jason W. Sahl; Olivier Dutour; Klaus Hedman; Antti Sajantila; Geoffrey L. Smith; Edward C. Holmes; Hendrik N. Poinar
Summary Smallpox holds a unique position in the history of medicine. It was the first disease for which a vaccine was developed and remains the only human disease eradicated by vaccination. Although there have been claims of smallpox in Egypt, India, and China dating back millennia [1, 2, 3, 4], the timescale of emergence of the causative agent, variola virus (VARV), and how it evolved in the context of increasingly widespread immunization, have proven controversial [4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9]. In particular, some molecular-clock-based studies have suggested that key events in VARV evolution only occurred during the last two centuries [4, 5, 6] and hence in apparent conflict with anecdotal historical reports, although it is difficult to distinguish smallpox from other pustular rashes by description alone. To address these issues, we captured, sequenced, and reconstructed a draft genome of an ancient strain of VARV, sampled from a Lithuanian child mummy dating between 1643 and 1665 and close to the time of several documented European epidemics [1, 2, 10]. When compared to vaccinia virus, this archival strain contained the same pattern of gene degradation as 20th century VARVs, indicating that such loss of gene function had occurred before ca. 1650. Strikingly, the mummy sequence fell basal to all currently sequenced strains of VARV on phylogenetic trees. Molecular-clock analyses revealed a strong clock-like structure and that the timescale of smallpox evolution is more recent than often supposed, with the diversification of major viral lineages only occurring within the 18th and 19th centuries, concomitant with the development of modern vaccination.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology | 2016
Courtney D. Eleazer; Rimantas Jankauskas
OBJECTIVES Anthropological studies of cortical bone often aim to reconstruct either habitual activities or health of past populations. During development, mechanical loading and metabolism simultaneously shape cortical bone structure; yet, few studies have investigated how these factors interact. Understanding their relative morphological effects is essential for assessing human behavior from skeletal samples, as previous studies have suggested that interaction effects may influence the interpretation from cortical structure of physical activity or metabolic status. MATERIAL AND METHODS This study assesses cross-sectional geometric and histomorphometric features in bones under different loading regimes (femur, humerus, rib) and compares these properties among individuals under different degrees of metabolic stress. The study sample consists of immature humans from a late medieval Lithuanian cemetery (Alytus, 14th-18th centuries AD). Analyses are based on the hypothesis that metabolic bone loss is distributed within the skeleton in a way that optimizes mechanical competency. RESULTS Results suggest mechanical compensation for metabolic bone loss in the cross-sectional properties of all three bones (especially ribs), suggesting a mechanism for conserving adequate bone strength for different loads across the skeleton. Microscopic bone loss is restricted to stronger bones under high loads, which may mitigate fracture risk in areas of the skeleton that are more resistive to loading, although alternative explanations are examined. DISCUSSION Distributions of metabolic bone loss and subsequent structural adjustments appear to preserve strength. Nevertheless, both mechanics and metabolism have a detectable influence on morphology, and potential implications for behavioral interpretations in bioculturally stressed samples due to this interaction are explored. Am J Phys Anthropol 160:317-333, 2016.
Forensic Science International | 2015
Sergio Damas; Caroline Wilkinson; Tzipi Kahana; Elizaveta Veselovskaya; Alexey Abramov; Rimantas Jankauskas; Paul T. Jayaprakash; E. Ruiz; Fernando Moreno Navarro; M.I. Huete; Eugénia Cunha; F. Cavalli; John G. Clement; P. Lestón; F. Molinero; T. Briers; F. Viegas; Kazuhiko Imaizumi; D. Humpire; Oscar Ibáñez
Craniofacial superimposition, although existing for one century, is still a controversial technique within the scientific community. Objective and unbiased validation studies over a significant number of cases are required to establish a more solid picture on the reliability. However, there is lack of protocols and standards in the application of the technique leading to contradictory information concerning reliability. Instead of following a uniform methodology, every expert tends to apply his own approach to the problem, based on the available technology and deep knowledge on human craniofacial anatomy, soft tissues, and their relationships. The aim of this study was to assess the reliability of different craniofacial superimposition methodologies and the corresponding technical approaches to this type of identification. With all the data generated, some of the most representative experts in craniofacial identification joined in a discussion intended to identify and agree on the most important issues that have to be considered to properly employ the craniofacial superimposition technique. As a consequence, the consortium has produced the current manuscript, which can be considered the first standard in the field; including good and bad practices, sources of error and uncertainties, technological requirements and desirable features, and finally a common scale for the craniofacial matching evaluation. Such a document is intended to be part of a more complete framework for craniofacial superimposition, to be developed during the FP7-founded project MEPROCS, which will favour and standardize its proper application.
Nature Communications | 2018
Alissa Mittnik; Chuan-Chao Wang; Saskia Pfrengle; Mantas Daubaras; Gunita Zariņa; Fredrik Hallgren; Raili Allmäe; Valery Khartanovich; Vyacheslav Moiseyev; Mari Tõrv; Anja Furtwängler; Aida Andrades Valtueña; Michal Feldman; Christos Economou; M. Oinonen; Andrejs Vasks; Elena Balanovska; David Reich; Rimantas Jankauskas; Wolfgang Haak; Stephan Schiffels; Johannes Krause
While the series of events that shaped the transition between foraging societies and food producers are well described for Central and Southern Europe, genetic evidence from Northern Europe surrounding the Baltic Sea is still sparse. Here, we report genome-wide DNA data from 38 ancient North Europeans ranging from ~9500 to 2200 years before present. Our analysis provides genetic evidence that hunter-gatherers settled Scandinavia via two routes. We reveal that the first Scandinavian farmers derive their ancestry from Anatolia 1000 years earlier than previously demonstrated. The range of Mesolithic Western hunter-gatherers extended to the east of the Baltic Sea, where these populations persisted without gene-flow from Central European farmers during the Early and Middle Neolithic. The arrival of steppe pastoralists in the Late Neolithic introduced a major shift in economy and mediated the spread of a new ancestry associated with the Corded Ware Complex in Northern Europe.The population history of Europe is complex and its very north has not yet been comprehensively studied at a genetic level. Here, Mittnik et al. report genome-wide data from 38 ancient individuals from the Eastern Baltic, Russia and Scandinavia to analyse gene flow throughout the Mesolithic and Bronze Age.
American Journal of Human Biology | 2014
Dario Piombino-Mascali; Rimantas Jankauskas; Algirdas Tamošiūnas; Ramūnas Valančius; Randall C. Thompson; Stephanie Panzer
Through the study of preserved human remains, it is now known that atherosclerosis, commonly thought to be a modern disease, also existed in historic and prehistoric periods. To date, however, little evidence of atherosclerosis has been reported in samples of tissues from spontaneously mummified bodies that are often found in European crypts and churches.
International Journal of Paleopathology | 2014
Johnica J. Morrow; Annie S. Larsen; Dario Piombino-Mascali; Rimantas Jankauskas; Justina Kozakaitė; Adauto Araújo; Karl J. Reinhard
In the present study, the abdominal contents of 10 mummies from beneath the Dominican Church of the Holy Spirit in Vilnius, Lithuania, were examined for the presence of helminth parasites using standard archaeoparasitological techniques. Of the mummies examined, only one individual presented with evidence of parasitism. This individual was infected with both Trichuris trichiura and Ascaris lumbricoides (5,222 parasite eggs/gram). The conditions of many of the T. trichiura eggs suggest that a fortuitously embedded female whipworm decomposed within the individuals gut to release the eggs, as opposed to the eggs actually being passed by the adult helminth. This study highlights a taphonomic issue unique to mummies by demonstrating the differential preservation of parasite eggs existing in various stages of development. Whenever one is not dealing with parasite eggs that have already been passed by the host, as is the case when analyzing intestinal tissues, one must understand that some types of parasite eggs may not be fully formed. It is imperative, as demonstrated by our findings, that researchers have the knowledge to recognize under-developed intestinal helminth eggs in addition to fully formed intestinal helminth eggs from mummy source materials. Together, these findings demonstrate the persistence of these helminth parasites in Europe during the 18th and 19th centuries and represent the first archaeoparasitological evidence from mummies in Vilnius, Lithuania.
Anatomical Record-advances in Integrative Anatomy and Evolutionary Biology | 2012
Agnieszka Tomaszewska; Barbara Kwiatkowska; Rimantas Jankauskas
The aim of this study was to provide the morphological and morphometric data of the supraorbital foramina or notches related to sex, side, and the climatic conditions where the population lived. It was hypothesized that the distribution of the occurrence and location of these openings depends on climatic conditions in which the population lived. Orbits from 866 dried skulls obtained from three climatic regions: warm, temperate, and cold were examined. The examination concentrated on the configuration (notch/foramen) and on the distances to the reference points: nasion, frontomalare orbitale, infraorbital foramen and the superior orbital rim. In 14.3% of cases a smooth supraorbital rim was observed while different variants of the structures were observed in 85.7% of the cases. In cold climatic conditions, supraorbital foramina were found in the highest frequency (35.4%). In warm and temperate climates, the observed frequencies of supraorbital foramen were the lowest (18.8% and 19.9%, respectively). Frequency of supraorbital notches was the lowest of those skulls from a cold climate (44.0%) and the highest in those from a warm climate (59.0%). These results support the hypothesis that the occurrence of the supraorbital notches is greater in populations from warm compared with cold regions. This would provide a greater exit route for the neurovascular bundle and this may be related to the thermoregulatory processes in the supraorbital region. Furthermore, knowledge of precise locations of supraorbital structures is important when a supraorbital nerve block is given, for example, in the treatment of migraine headaches. Anat Rec, 2012.
PLOS ONE | 2015
Stephanie Panzer; Mark R. Mc Coy; Wolfgang Hitzl; Dario Piombino-Mascali; Rimantas Jankauskas; Albert Zink; Peter Augat
The purpose of this study was to develop a checklist for standardized assessment of soft tissue preservation in human mummies based on whole-body computed tomography examinations, and to add a scoring system to facilitate quantitative comparison of mummies. Computed tomography examinations of 23 mummies from the Capuchin Catacombs of Palermo, Sicily (17 adults, 6 children; 17 anthropogenically and 6 naturally mummified) and 7 mummies from the crypt of the Dominican Church of the Holy Spirit of Vilnius, Lithuania (5 adults, 2 children; all naturally mummified) were used to develop the checklist following previously published guidelines. The scoring system was developed by assigning equal scores for checkpoints with equivalent quality. The checklist was evaluated by intra- and inter-observer reliability. The finalized checklist was applied to compare the groups of anthropogenically and naturally mummified bodies. The finalized checklist contains 97 checkpoints and was divided into two main categories, “A. Soft Tissues of Head and Musculoskeletal System” and “B. Organs and Organ Systems”, each including various subcategories. The complete checklist had an intra-observer reliability of 98% and an inter-observer reliability of 93%. Statistical comparison revealed significantly higher values in anthropogenically compared to naturally mummified bodies for the total score and for three subcategories. In conclusion, the developed checklist allows for a standardized assessment and documentation of soft tissue preservation in whole-body computed tomography examinations of human mummies. The scoring system facilitates a quantitative comparison of the soft tissue preservation status between single mummies or mummy collections.
bioRxiv | 2017
Alissa Mittnik; Chuan-Chao Wang; Saskia Pfrengle; Mantas Daubaras; Gunita Zariņa; Fredrik Hallgren; Raili Allmäe; Valery Khartanovich; Vyacheslav Moiseyev; Anja Furtwängler; Aida Andrades Valtueña; Michal Feldman; Christos Economou; M. Oinonen; Andrejs Vasks; Mari Tõrv; Oleg Balanovsky; David Reich; Rimantas Jankauskas; Wolfgang Haak; Stephan Schiffels; Johannes Krause
Recent ancient DNA studies have revealed that the genetic history of modern Europeans was shaped by a series of migration and admixture events between deeply diverged groups. While these events are well described in Central and Southern Europe, genetic evidence from Northern Europe surrounding the Baltic Sea is still sparse. Here we report genome-wide DNA data from 24 ancient North Europeans ranging from ∼7,500 to 200 calBCE spanning the transition from a hunter-gatherer to an agricultural lifestyle, as well as the adoption of bronze metallurgy. We show that Scandinavia was settled after the retreat of the glacial ice sheets from a southern and a northern route, and that the first Scandinavian Neolithic farmers derive their ancestry from Anatolia 1000 years earlier than previously demonstrated. The range of Western European Mesolithic hunter-gatherers extended to the east of the Baltic Sea, where these populations persisted without gene-flow from Central European farmers until around 2,900 calBCE when the arrival of steppe pastoralists introduced a major shift in economy and established wide-reaching networks of contact within the Corded Ware Complex.