Ritch C. Savin-Williams
Cornell University
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Archives of Sexual Behavior | 2000
Ritch C. Savin-Williams; Lisa M. Diamond
The present investigation explored gender differences in sexual identity development—first same-sex attractions, self-labeling, same-sex sexual contact, and disclosure—among 164 sexual-minority young adults. Based on interviews, results indicated the value of assessing gender differences in the context, timing, spacing, and sequencing of sexual identity milestones. Adolescent males had an earlier onset of all milestones except disclosure. The context for sexual identity milestones were likely to be emotionally oriented for young women and sexually oriented for young men. The gap from first same-sex attractions (8–9 years of age) to first disclosure (around 18 years) averaged 10 years for both sexes. Young women followed label-first developmental trajectories; men were more likely to pursue sex before identifying themselves as gay. In terms of achieving sexual identity milestones, gender mattered, but it was not everything.
Child Development | 1979
Ritch C. Savin-Williams
SAVIN-WILLIAMS, RITCH C. Dominance Hierarchies in Groups of Early Adolescents. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1979, 50, 923-935. By using behavioral observations and sociometric methods, a stable dominance hierarchy was found in 8 groups of 12to 14-year-old male and female adolescents at a summer camp. Status position was relatively stable over time and across behavior settings. For both sexes the dominance hierarchy correlated significantly with the rank orderings of pubertal maturation, athletic ability, and group leadership. There were notable sex differences in the specific behaviors utilized to assert dominance and in the stability of the dominance hierarchy; the group structure in female cabins was more likely to fluctuate over time and in accordance to situational events. The dominance hierarchy appears to foster a reduction in intragroup antagonism, to focus division of labor responsibilities, to distribute any scarce resources, and to provide knowledge of where ones place is among peers.
Current Directions in Psychological Science | 2006
Ritch C. Savin-Williams
To answer the question “Whos gay?”—and its logical follow-up, “Does it matter?”—researchers usually define homosexuality with reference to one of three components or expressions of sexual orientation: sexual/romantic attraction or arousal, sexual behavior, and sexual identity. Yet, the three components are imperfectly correlated and inconsistently predictive of each other, resulting in dissimilar conclusions regarding the number and nature of homosexual populations. Depending on which component is assessed, the prevalence rate of homosexuality in the general population ranges from 1 to 21%. When investigators define the homosexual population based on same-sex behavior or identity, they enhance the possibility of finding a biological basis for homosexuality and a compromised mental health (suicidality).
Developmental Psychology | 1999
Eric M. Dube; Ritch C. Savin-Williams
The current research explores how ethnicity influences sexual identity development. Among 139 sexual-minority male youths, measures of sexual identity development assessed the timing and sequencing of developmental milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to others, internalized homophobia, and same- and opposite-sex relationship histories. Findings demonstrated that participants, regardless of ethnicity, experienced most identity milestones at developmentally appropriate ages, had moderately low levels of internalized homophobia, and became romantically and sexually involved with other males during adolescence. Differences across ethnic groups were found in the timing and sequencing of certain milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to family members, and romantic and sexual involvement with females.
Archives of Sexual Behavior | 2012
Zhana Vrangalova; Ritch C. Savin-Williams
A sample of 1,784 individuals responded to an online survey advertised on the Facebook social networking website. We explored the sexual orientation continuum by focusing on three components: self-reported sexual orientation identity, sexual attraction, and sexual partners. Results supported a 5-category classification of identity (heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly gay/lesbian, gay/lesbian) in that two added identity labels (mostly heterosexual and mostly gay/lesbian) were frequently chosen by participants and/or showed unique patterns of attraction and partners, distinct from their adjacent identities (heterosexual and bisexual, and bisexual and gay/lesbian, respectively). Those who reported an exclusive label (heterosexual, gay/lesbian) were not necessarily exclusive in other components; a significant minority of heterosexuals and the majority of gays/lesbians reported some attraction and/or partners toward their nonpreferred sex. The five identity groups differed in attraction and partners in a manner consistent with a continuous, rather than a categorical, distribution of sexual orientation. Findings also supported a sexual orientation continuum as consisting of two, rather than one, distinct dimensions (same- and other-sex sexuality). Having more same-sex sexuality did not necessarily imply having less other-sex sexuality, and vice versa. More men than women were at the exclusive ends of the continuum; however, men were not bimodally distributed in that a significant minority reported nonexclusivity in their sexuality.
Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology | 2001
Ritch C. Savin-Williams
Two questions were addressed regarding suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: Who should be classified as a sexual minority, and what constitutes a suicide attempt? Results from 2 studies indicated that sexual-minority youths, broadly defined in terms of sexual orientation and recruitment venue, were slightly more likely than heterosexual youths to report a suicide attempt. To afford a more accurate assessment of suicide attempts, a detailed measure distinguished true from false attempts. This method eliminated over half of suicide attempt reports among sexual minorities because they were false attempts-ideation rather than a concrete act to end life. Furthermore, many true attempts were not life threatening, suggesting that the reports were attempts to communicate the hardships of lives or to identify with a gay community.
Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology | 2003
Ritch C. Savin-Williams; Geoffrey L. Ream
The purpose of this study was to provide data addressing Diamonds (this issue) 4 problem areas in sexual orientation research by comparing gay, bisexual, and questioning male youth who report attempting suicide with those who do not. Secondary analyses were conducted with 2 datasets, 1 with a gay support group (n = 51) and the other with online youth (n = 681). Reported suicide attempts ranged from 39% among support-group youth, to 25% among Internet gay support group youth, to 9% among Internet non-support group youth. Sexual orientation, behavior, and identity did not predict suicidal attempt status, but suicide attempters experienced higher levels of both generic life stressors (low self-esteem, substance use, victimization) and gay-related stressors, particularly those directly related to visible (femininity) and behavioral (gay sex) aspects of their sexual identity. Support-group attendance was related to higher levels of suicidality and life stressors, as well as certain resiliency factors. Results suggest that there exists a minority of sexual-minority youth who are at risk but that it would be inappropriate to characterize the entire population as such.
Journal of Social Issues | 2000
Lisa M. Diamond; Ritch C. Savin-Williams
This article summarizes findings from two ongoing studies charting the development of 167 adolescent and young adult sexual-minority women. Resultsdocument considerable variation in the quality, relative distribution, and context of womens same-sex and other-sex attractions. Furthermore, contrary to conventional wisdom, the timing of a womans first same-sex attractions is not systematically related to subsequent features of sexual identity development. Rather, the quality and context of a womansearly attractions and behavior is more important. We argue that variability in sexual-minority and heterosexual womens development is best explained by interactions between personal characteristics and environmental contexts, and we urge future studies of the sexual-minority life course to include women with same-sex attractions that do not identify as lesbian or bisexual.
Journal of Family Psychology | 2003
Ritch C. Savin-Williams; Geoffrey L. Ream
The decision whether to disclose same-sex attractions to parents was explored through in-depth interviews with 164 young women and men. Participants were more likely to disclose to mothers than fathers, usually around age 19 years and in a face-to-face encounter. Mothers were told before fathers, largely because mothers asked or because youth wanted to share their life with them; fathers were told by someone other than their child or by the youth because it was time. The reason participants did not disclose to mothers was because it was not the right developmental time; the reason they did not disclose to fathers was because they were not close to them. Sons, more than daughters, feared the negative reactions of parents, who generally reacted in the same manner--supportive or slightly negative. Relationships with parents since disclosure generally had not changed or had improved. Sex of parent mattered more than sex of child on most domains.
American Journal of Sociology | 1983
David H. Demo; Ritch C. Savin-Williams
Self-esteem is postulated to be a function of social class in accordance with four theoretical principles-reflected appraisals, self-perception, social comparison, and psychological centrality. It is argued that the ascribed nature of social class among young adolescents makes it a weak determinat of their self-esteem, but that with increasing age socioeconomic position becomes more meaningful and thus more consequential for self-esteem.Data are presented which reveal a stronger association between social class and self-esteem among eighth graders than among fifth graders. One salient characteristic, academic skills, is found to be a strong predictor of early adolescent self-attitudes. Last, levels of self-esteem increase consistently from the fifth to the eighth grade, indicating a developmental trend toward greater self-acceptance.