Robert B. Voas

The relationship of alcohol safety laws to drinking drivers in fatal crashes

This paper presents an analysis of the relationships between the passage of key alcohol safety laws and the number of drinking drivers in fatal crashes. The study evaluated three major alcohol safety laws--administrative license revocation laws, 0.10 illegal per se, and 0.08 illegal per se laws--on the proportion of drinking drivers in fatal crashes. Drivers aged 21 and older in fatal crashes at two BAC levels--0.01-0.09 and 0.10 or greater--were considered separately. Drivers under age 21 were not included because they are affected by the Minimum Legal Drinking Age (MLDA) law. This study used data on drinking drivers in fatal crashes from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) covering 16 years (1982-1997) for all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Also included in the study were such variables as per capita alcohol consumption and annual vehicle miles traveled (VMT), which could affect the number of alcohol-related crashes. The results indicate that each of the three laws had a significant relationship to the downward trend in alcohol-related fatal crashes in the United States over that period. This paper points out that this long-term trend is not the product of a single law. Instead, it is the result of the growing impact of several laws over time plus the affect of some factors not included in the model tested (such as the increasing use of sobriety checkpoints and the medias attention to the drinking-and-driving problem).

Assessing the effectiveness of minimum legal drinking age and zero tolerance laws in the United States

The objective of this research was to determine the extent to which the decline in alcohol-related highway deaths among drivers younger than age 21 years can be attributed to raising the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) and establishing zero tolerance (0.02% blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for drivers younger than age 21 years) laws. Data on all drivers younger than age 21 years involved in fatalities in the United States from 1982 to 1997 were used in the study. Quarterly ratios of BAC-positive to BAC-negative drivers in each of the 50 states where analyzed in a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis. After accounting for differences among the 50 states in various background factors, changes in economic and demographic factors within states over time, and the effects of other related laws, results indicated substantial reductions in alcohol-positive involvement in fatal crashes were associated with the two youth-specific laws. The policy of limiting youth access to alcohol through MLDA laws and reinforcing this action by making it illegal for underage drivers to have any alcohol in their system appears to have been effective in reducing the proportion of fatal crashes involving drinking drivers.

The relationship between blood alcohol concentration (BAC), age, and crash risk

PROBLEM The role of age (youth and driving inexperience) and alcohol as major risk factors in traffic crash causation has been firmly established by numerous studies over the past 50 years. Less well established is how the two variables interrelate to influence crash risk. Some investigations have hypothesized an interactive or synergistic effect in which young drivers with less experience and a greater tendency to take risks are more adversely affected at lower blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) than are older drivers. The evidence for this hypothesis is mixed. Resolution of this issue has important implication for developing countermeasures directed at the young driver crash problem. METHOD Case control data previously collected in Long Beach and Fort Lauderdale were reanalyzed using a more sensitive method for detecting interaction effects than used in the original analysis. A conditional logistic regression analyses found a highly significant agexBAC interaction (P<.0001) involving differences between drivers under 21 and those 21 and older. DISCUSSION The results clearly indicate that positive BACs in drivers under 21 are associated with higher relative crash risks than would be predicted from the additive effect of BAC and age. It is likely that two mechanisms are operating to cause the interaction. First, it seems likely that the crash avoidance skill of young novice drivers would be more adversely affected by alcohol due to their driving inexperience, immaturity, and less experience with alcohol. Second, drivers under 21 who choose to drink and to drive after drinking probably have pre-existing characteristics that predisposed them to risk taking and crash involvement apart from any increased vulnerability to alcohol impairment. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY The results support increased enforcement of zero-tolerance BAC laws for minors.

Drinking and driving in the United States: the 1996 National Roadside Survey.

Following the same general principles of its two predecessors in 1973 and 1986, the 1996 National Roadside Survey of weekend, nighttime drivers in the 48 contiguous states interviewed and breath tested over 6000 noncommercial four-wheel vehicle operators between September 6 and November 9, 1996. Results indicated that the total number of drinking drivers fell by about one-third between 1986 and 1996; however, there was no significant change in the number of drivers at blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) at or above 0.05. Compared to 1973, the proportion of women drivers on the roads during weekend nights has increased significantly. Moreover, relative to males, the proportion of female drivers who have been drinking has increased over the last decade. The number of drivers under the age of 21 with a BAC at or above 0.10 decreased significantly from 1986 to 1996.

Minimum Purchasing Age for Alcohol and Traffic Crash Injuries Among 15- to 19-Year-Olds in New Zealand

OBJECTIVES In 1999, New Zealand lowered the minimum purchasing age for alcohol from 20 to 18 years. We tested the hypothesis that this increased traffic crash injuries among 15- to 19-year-olds. METHODS Poisson regression was used to compute incidence rate ratios for the after to before incidence of alcohol-involved crashes and hospitalized injuries among 18- to 19-year-olds and 15- to 17-year-olds (20- to 24-year-olds were the reference). RESULTS Among young men, the ratio of the alcohol-involved crash rate after the law change to the period before was 12% larger (95% confidence interval [CI]=1.00, 1.25) for 18- to 19-year-olds and 14% larger (95% CI=1.01, 1.30) for 15- to 17-year-olds, relative to 20- to 24-year-olds. Among young women, the equivalent ratios were 51% larger (95% CI=1.17, 1.94) for 18- to 19-year-olds and 24% larger (95% CI=0.96, 1.59) for 15- to 17-year-olds. A similar pattern was observed for hospitalized injuries. CONCLUSIONS Significantly more alcohol-involved crashes occurred among 15-to 19-year-olds than would have occurred had the purchase age not been reduced to 18 years. The effect size for 18- to 19-year-olds is remarkable given the legal exceptions to the pre-1999 law and its poor enforcement.

Defining binge drinking quantities through resulting blood alcohol concentrations.

Binge drinking as a researchable construct has generally been defined as 5 or more drinks on one occasion. However, no study has been conducted to determine whether the binge concept that implies excessive drunkenness is being optimally captured within that level. Random interviews of drinkers returning from visiting bars in Tijuana, with breath tests, provided both blood alcohol concentration (BAC) measurements and the self-reported number of drinks consumed. Results indicate that currently used definitions of binge drinking predict relatively low BACs and may not be capturing the excessive-drunkenness quality of the term. Consumption duration may explain the lower BACs.

The relationship of underage drinking laws to reductions in drinking drivers in fatal crashes in the United States.

This study reports on an effort to evaluate and interrelate the existence and strength of two core laws and 14 expanded laws designed to (a) control the sales of alcohol, (b) prevent possession and consumption of alcohol, and (c) prevent alcohol impaired driving by youth aged 20 and younger. Our first analysis determined if the enactment of the possession and purchase laws (the two core minimum legal drinking age laws) was associated with a reduction in the ratio of drinking to nondrinking drivers aged 20 and younger who were involved in fatal crashes controlling for as many variables as possible. The ANOVA results suggest that in the presence of numerous covariates, the possession and purchase laws account for an 11.2% (p=0.041) reduction in the ratio measure. Our second analysis determined whether the existence and strength of any of the 16 underage drinking laws was associated with a reduction in the percentage of drivers aged 20 and younger involved in fatal crashes who were drinking. In the regression analyses, making it illegal to use a false identification to purchase alcohol was significant. From state to state, a unit difference (increase) in the strength of the False ID Use law was associated with a 7.3% smaller outcome measure (p=0.034).

The Impact of Underage Drinking Laws on Alcohol-Related Fatal Crashes of Young Drivers

BACKGROUND This study used a pre- to post-design to evaluate the influence on drinking-and-driving fatal crashes of 6 laws directed at youth aged 20 and younger and 4 laws targeting all drivers. METHODS Data on the laws were drawn from the Alcohol Policy Information System data set (1998 to 2005), the Digests of State Alcohol Highway Safety Related Legislation (1983 to 2006), and the Westlaw database. The Fatality Analysis Reporting System data set (1982 to 2004) was used to assess the ratio of drinking to nondrinking drivers involved in fatal crashes [fatal crash incidence ratio (CIR)]. The data were analyzed using structural equation modeling techniques. RESULTS Significant decreases in the underage fatal CIR were associated with presence of 4 of the laws targeting youth (possession, purchase, use and lose, and zero tolerance) and 3 of the laws targeting all drivers (0.08 blood alcohol concentration illegal per se law, secondary or upgrade to a primary seat belt law, and an administrative license revocation law). Beer consumption was associated with a significant increase in the underage fatal CIR. The direct effects of laws targeting drivers of all ages on adult drinking drivers aged 26 and older were similar but of a smaller magnitude compared to the findings for those aged 20 and younger. It is estimated that the 2 core underage drinking laws (purchase and possession) and the zero tolerance law are currently saving an estimated 732 lives per year controlling for other exposure factors. If all states adopted use and lose laws, an additional 165 lives could be saved annually. CONCLUSIONS These results provide substantial support for the effectiveness of under age 21 drinking laws with 4 of the 6 laws examined having significant associations with reductions in underage drinking-and-driving fatal crashes. These findings point to the importance of key underage drinking and traffic safety laws in efforts to reduce underage drinking-driver crashes.

Portal Surveys of Time-Out Drinking Locations A Tool for Studying Binge Drinking and AOD Use

Portal surveys, defined as assessments occurring proximal to the entry point to a high-risk locale and immediately on exit, can be used in different settings to measure characteristics and behavior of attendees at an event of interest. This methodology has been developed to assess alcohol and other drug (AOD) use at specific events and has included measuring intentions to use collected at entry and reported use on exit, as well as chemical tests for AOD consumption at both entrance and exit. Recent applications of the portal survey procedure to electronic music dance events that occur in established venues (e.g., bars or nightclubs) are discussed.

Sobriety Checkpoints: Evidence of Effectiveness Is Strong, but Use Is Limited

There is substantial and consistent evidence from research that highly publicized, highly visible, and frequent sobriety checkpoints in the United States reduce impaired driving fatal crashes by 18% to 24%. Although checkpoints are not conducted in 13 states for legal or policy reasons, there is strong evidence that if conducted appropriately, checkpoints would save lives in the other states. However, a recent survey of checkpoint use has demonstrated that despite the efforts of the U.S. Department of Transportation to encourage checkpoint use through publications, providing funds for equipment, and for officer overtime expenses, only about a dozen of the 37 states that conduct checkpoints do so on a weekly basis. The survey found that lack of local police resources and funding, lack of support by task forces and citizen activists, and the perception that checkpoints are not productive or cost effective are the main reasons for their infrequent use. This article discusses each of these problems and suggests a method for local communities to implement checkpoints without depending on state or federal funds. Low-staffing sobriety checkpoints conducted by as few as three to five officers have been shown to be just as effective as checkpoints conducted by 15 or more officers. A modified sobriety checkpoint program using passive alcohol sensors (“PASpoints”) can be implemented by small- to moderate-sized communities in the United States to deter impaired driving. If implemented in a majority of communities, this strategy has a potential level of effectiveness similar to the high level achieved by several Australian states in their random breath-test (RBT) programs. The PASpoint system calls for a small group of three to five officers on traffic patrol duty to converge on a preset site and conduct a mini-checkpoint, returning to their standard patrol duties within two hours. Within this framework, the PASpoint operation would become a standard driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement technique regularly used within the communitys jurisdiction. As a standard traffic enforcement activity, the cost would be covered by the normal enforcement budget.