Robert S. Robins
Tulane University
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Biography | 1987
Robert S. Robins; Jerrold M. Post
The psychodynamics and clinical phenomenology of the paranoid position are related to the phenomenon of the paranoid political actor. The paranoid political actors interaction with the environment has characteristics of a self-fulfilling prophecy, for his defensive aggression ultimately creates a genuinely hostile environment which he at first only delusively fears. While the flagrant paranoid is usually recognized as ill, the unrecognized paranoid can be highly effective as a leader. The degree and scope of his effectiveness depends on his political skill and the receptiveness of the polity. When the frame of reference is transcendent, and the skilled paranoid political actor finds a receptive polity, the destructive charismatic leader-follower relationship ensues.
Political Psychology | 1995
Robert S. Robins; Jerrold M. Post
This article considers the requirement for-but dilemmas in-health screening of presidential candidates. It surveys the experience the United States has had since 1931 with the health of candidates for the presidency, especially those who have been elected. The tripartite role of the president-as chief executive, as party leader, and as national symbol/model-is stressed. Several instances of deception, or at least lack of candor, are described. The dynamics of the process are reviewed, as are the advantages and inherent problems of corrective measures. President Clinton, as chief executive, proposes legislation, carries on foreign affairs, and administers the federal bureaucracy. He is, moreover, leader of the Democratic Party, with responsibility for seeing to it that its candidates are elected and its programs advanced. Of particular importance is his role as chief of state, as the symbolic embodiment of his nations leadership. Health screening of presidential candidates is profoundly affected by the fact that every president must fill these three sometimes complementary, but often contradictory, roles. Almost every other country separates these functions. No other country combines them with the intensity of the United States. Unlike constitutional monarchies, where the symbolic function of chief of state is vested in the king or queen and is separated from that of the prime minister, who serves as chief of government, this fusion of roles places a special burden on the symbolic function of the president. Americans going to the polls to elect a president are aware of this combination of governmental power, political leadership, and symbolic potency. Issues of candidate health, physical and mental, are evaluated in terms of what the public knows the president will not only have to do, but also have to be.
Biography | 1993
Robert S. Robins; Jeffrey Handler
This essay evaluates the alleged paranoia of the nineteenth century Paraguayan dictator, José Gaspar de Francia. Francia was highly suspicious in his rise to power, but not pathologically so. Prudent though brutal preemption would best describe his behavior up to about the age of fifty. Afterwards, this suspiciousness developed into a paranoidal personality disorder, and perhaps into the psychosis of paranoia.
Archive | 1997
Robert S. Robins; Jerrold M. Post
Political Psychology | 1994
Steven Weber; Jerrold M. Post; Robert S. Robins
Political Psychology | 1990
Jerrold M. Post; Robert S. Robins
American Political Science Review | 1983
Robert S. Robins
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics | 1979
Robert S. Robins
Nova Religio-journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions | 2013
Robert S. Robins
The Journal of American History | 2008
Robert S. Robins