Robert W. Murray

Sound Change and Syllable Structure in Germanic Phonology

Two competing theories exist about the Proto-Germanic syllabication of VCiV and similar sequences: one proposes that the division was V.CiV, the other, VC.iV. Furthermore, three major phonological developments in Germanic groups have never received a satisfactory explanation: consonant gemination in West Germanic, vowel lengthening (with differential constraints) in North Germanic, and glide strengthening in Gothic. This paper proposes a uniform solution for all these problems, based on independently established principles of syllabic phonology: a preference (at least in the Germanic languages) for stressed syllables that have two morae (Prokosch 1939), and a universal preference for syllable onsets that are at least as strong as the preceding syllable offset (Hooper 1976). We provide various kinds of evidence for a Proto-Germanic syllabication VC.iV which is in accordance with Prokoschs principle, but not with Hoopers; and we then explain subsequent developments as different ways of rebalancing the syllable structure to accord with both Prokoschs and Hoopers principles: VC.iV > VC.CiV in West Germanic; VC.iV > V.CIV in North Germanic; and VC.iV > VC.jV in Gothic.*

Old Problems, New Approaches, and Optimizing Preferences: A Reply to Ham (1998)

This paper presents a criticism of Hams (1998) Optimality Theoretic treatment of West Germanic gemination. Ham attempts to revise Murray and Vennemanns (M & V 1983) analysis in which all cases of gemination are motivated by the sonority profile at syllable contact in accordance with the Syllable Contact Law (SCL). Although Ham accepts the relevance of SCL, he claims that two additional constrains are required. I demonstrate, however, that neither constraint can be motivated for the grammar of West Germanic. Indeed, from a diachronic perspective the only function of the additional constraints is to serve as ad hoc diacritics. Accordingly, while Hams analysis might be OT-coherent, it fails to translate into a explanatory account of West Germanic gemination. By contrast, I demonstrate that M & Vs original account was correct in identifying the sonority profile at syllable contact as the primary motivating factor. The paper also touches on the issue of reranking and phonological change. In the absence of reference to general principles, reranking does not ‘explain’ diachronic change in any interesting way.

Hermann Paul's Principles of language history revisited : translations and reflections

Hermann Pauls Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte served as the most important codification and development of Neogrammarian thought for more than four decades. Four well-known linguists have translated specially selected chapters of the Prinzipien into English and provide their reflections on Hermann Pauls contribution on a range of topics.

Phonology and morphology of the Germanic languages. Edited by Wolfgang Kehrein and Richard Wiese. (Linguistische Arbeiten, 386.) Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1998. Pp. viii, 298. Paper. DM 146,00.

This volume brings together a collection of twelve papers originating from a workshop entitled “Phonology and Morphology of the Germanic Languages,” which the editors organized at the Philipps-Universitat Marburg, Germany, in August 1997. It is divided into three sections: phonology, prosodic morphology, and morphology. A variety of languages and topics are treated, ranging from Icelandic vowel length and Scandinavian accent to Old English, Dutch, and German nominal inflection. There is some treatment of earlier stages of languages and historical topics do come up, but the emphasis is decidedly synchronic. Almost all the papers adopt a constraint-based approach, and a number are developed within the framework of optimality theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993). A brief overview of each of the papers follows.