Robert W. Oldendick

Help-seeking for intimate partner violence and forced sex in South Carolina

PURPOSE In this population-based, random-digit-dial, cross-sectional survey, we assessed the lifetime victimization of intimate partner violence (IPV) and forced or coerced sex among 556 women and men in South Carolina, and the help-seeking behaviors of victims. RESULTS Among women, 25.3% experienced IPV (sexual, physical, or emotional violence) compared with 13.2% of men. Although women were significantly more likely to report physical or sexual IPV (17.8%) than were men (4.9%), men (8.3%) were as likely as women (7.4%) to report perceived emotional abuse without physical or sexual IPV. One half of men and women with annual incomes <

Evaluation of the quality of care in the clinical care centers of the National Centers of Excellence in Women’s Health

15, 000 reported IPV. Among women experiencing physical or sexual IPV, 53% sought community-based or professional services for IPV; women with higher education levels and those experiencing more severe violence were most likely to seek services. CONCLUSIONS These data show that IPV is common and that most victims do not receive services to address this violence.

Social Construction and White Attitudes toward Equal Opportunity and Multiculturalism

This study evaluated the quality of primary care services provided in 15 National Centers of Excellence in Womens Health (CoE) clinical sites in operation in 2001 using self-reported clinical preventive services and patient satisfaction as indicators of quality of care. A sample of 3,111 women served by the CoE program was surveyed and compared with quality of care benchmarks from national and local community surveys. The benchmark surveys were: a nationally representative sample of 2,075 women from the 1998 Commonwealth Fund Survey of Womens Health; a community sample of women who lived within a geographical catchment area for three CoEs; and a sample of 71,438 women in the 1999 Consumer Assessment of Health Plans Study (CAHPS) of commercial managed care plans. Adjusting for region, age, education, perceived health status, and managed care enrollment, women in the CoEs were more satisfied with their care and had received significantly more screening tests and counseling services than women in the benchmark samples. The largest effects among primary care services were for physical breast examination, mammogram (ages 50+), and counseling for smoking, domestic violence, and sexually transmitted diseases.

Political Information Processing: Question Order and Context Effects

As the United States moves from being a predominantly biracial to a multiracial society, racial attitudes continue to become more diverse and more complex. Scholars need to address these changes not only in terms of black and white Americans, but also how these changes involve and affect other racial groups, particularly Asian and Hispanic Americans. This inquiry looks at some of these complexities by examining how social construction differentials in the minds of white Americans affect their attitudes toward the issues of equal opportunity and multiculturalism. The analysis shows that differences in the cognitive images whites hold of minority groups in comparison to their own race have a significant impact in determining white attitudes toward group-based issues. In effect, negative constructions of racial groups lower ones support for policies aimed at these groups.

Mass and Elite Foreign Policy Opinions

Data from two independent field experiments indicate that changes in question order and context may well account for an apparently precipitous decline of interest in politics at the time of the CPS 1978 American National Election Study. Evidence from a question order experiment with the SRC/CPS “feeling thermometers” also suggests that such contextual artifacts may not be atypical. Indeed, because of the many changes in the content and organization of the election studies over the years, context effects represent plausible rival hypotheses for a number of inexplicable shifts and trends in the time-series. In testing these hypotheses the authors derive and validate an information-processing model of how respondents infer their political “states of mind” from observations of their own question-answering behavior in the survey interview. In addition, the authors illustrate the wide applicability of the model tosubstantive problems in the discipline and its implications for the survey-based paradigm in political behavior research.

The role of survey research in the benchmarking process

THE CONFLICT between strong executive direction and building the necessary consensus for action makes the conduct of foreign policy in a democracy extremely difficult. The expression of public support for foreign policy initiatives is a source of strength in diplomacy, but such support is difficult to gain because the mass public is generally regarded as less informed and unconcerned about foreign policy problems than about domestic issues (Almond, 1950; Caspary, 1970). In fact, the distinction between the foreign and domestic spheres is seen as so great by some scholars that the office of the American chief executive has been described as two presidencies-one oriented to domestic policy and one for foreign policy (Wildavsky, 1966; Cronin, 1980). According to this perspective, the president chooses to exercise initiatives on foreign policy questions precisely because the public is relatively unconcerned and the extreme conflict which erupts between various domestic factions can be avoided. Furthermore, the mass public is viewed as teachable in foreign policy matters; the president can set the agenda, persuade opinion leaders, and lead the

Experiments in filtering political opinions

As more state and local governments and agencies embrace strategic planning as a means of cost control, accountability, and goal achievement, the process of benchmarking has become increasingly important. This article examines the role survey research can play in the benchmarking process. The authors focus on some of the considerations and controversies involved in this process, including questionnaire design (What types of questions should be included?), population definition (Who should be included and how can these individuals be identified?), sampling procedures (What methods of sampling should be employed to ensure that the data are representative of the population of interest?), data collection methods (Should surveys be conducted via mail, face-to-face, or telephone?), and data analysis (How can the survey data help state and local officials evaluate their service delivery?)

Interest in political campaigns: The influence of question order and electoral context

Changes in the wording of “core” measures of political attitudes in the American National Election Studies have generated a good deal of controversy about artifactual sources of change in the U.S. electorate. This research, based on several field experiments and replications, investigates the effects of using or not using various types of opinion filter questions that have appeared in the SRC/CPS series over the years. The analysis shows that the use of a filter interacts significantly with a respondents level of education and interest in politics, particularly the latter, in determining whether a respondent will offer an opinion on a given public policy issue. But the study also demonstrates that such an interaction occurs primarily when the question about interest in politics is askedafter, rather thanbefore, a set of political issue items. In interpreting these order-and-context effects the authors develop a self-perception model of how respondents infer their interest in politics from information that isavailable in memory about their own behavior in the survey interview.

Public Opinion on School-Based Sex Education in South Carolina.

A split-ballot experiment shows that, when people are asked how interested they are in following political campaigns, their response depends not only on the order in which the question is asked, but also on the broader electoral context in which it is posed. When asked how interested they were in following the political campaigns immediatelyafter a question about whether or not they voted in the (1982) election, people were more likely to think they were interested in the campaign, especially if they claimed to have voted, than if they were asked about it immediatelybefore the question on whether or not they voted. This order effect, however, appears to depend onwhen the questions are asked. If asked within a few weeks after the election, there is little or no order effect. But later, as the memory of the campaign fades, the order of the questions makes a sizable difference in the results. This order effect also seems to be more pronounced among better-educated respondents, suggesting that they are more likely to feel pressured by a social norm to vote and to express an interest in political affairs, not only in “real life,” but in the survey interview as well. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the implications for the design of the interview schedule used in the American National Election Studies.

Does It Stick? Effects of an Integrated Vertical Undergraduate Aging Curriculum on Medical and Surgical Residents

The purpose of this article was to determine opinions on the use of abstinence only versus comprehensive sex education by registered voters in South Carolina. A cross-sectional, random-digit dial sample was utilized. Approximately 81% of respondents indicated support for sex education that emphasizes abstinence but also teaches about the benefits and importance of using contraceptives to prevent pregnancy and/or sexually transmitted diseases. Results suggest that registered voters in South Carolina support teaching a comprehensive approach to sex education and favor a variety of sex education topics, regardless of political ideology, religion, or parental status.