Roger A. Wojtkiewicz

Simplicity and complexity in the effects of parental structure on high school graduation.

As more and more children experience nonintact families because of nonmarital birth or parental marital disruption, researchers have paid more attention to whether nonintact family experiences have negative effects on later life. This study uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to consider how experiences of parental structure affect chances of high school graduation. The study shows that the negative effects of parental structure are simpler than theoretical notions might suggest.

The growth of families headed by women: 1950–1980

In recent decades, the number of families headed by women has increased dramatically. In this article, we use U.S. census data from 1950 to 1980 to consider the extent to which population growth, fertility change, decreased marriage, increased divorce, and increased household headship have contributed to the growth of femaleheaded families. For white women, the major source of growth during the 1960s and 1970s was an increase in the number of formerly married mothers due to increased divorce and decreased remarriage. There is a similar pattern for black women for the 1960–1970 period. During the 1970–1980 decade, however, the major source of growth for black women was an increase in the number of never-married mothers due to decreased marriage and increased fertility among nonmarried women.

Diversity in Experiences of Parental Structure During Childhood and Adolescence

The proportion of children living in parental structures other than mother/father has increased in recent decades because of increased separation/divorce and greater prevalence of nonmarital childbearing. This study uses the National Survey of Families and, Households to examine the parental structure experiences of children who had ever lived in nonintact families. The results show considerable variation in experiences among such children. The analysis illustrates the diversity by considering parental structure experiences given I) mother-only family at birth, 2) mother/father family at birth and later parental marital disruption, and 3) parental structure at age 15.

Duration in Parental Structures and High School Graduation

This article extends research on the effects of living in nonintact family types during childhood and adolescence on high school graduation. Data from the National Survey of Families and Households show that not only do years spent in mother-only families have a negative effect on high school graduation but so do years spent in mother-stepfather and father-stepmother families. In addition, living only with grandparents or other relatives has a negative effect as does living on own. These effects are additive so that the more years spent in nonintact families, the lower the chances of graduating high school. The research also shows that the effects of years spent in nonintact families do not vary much by family type at birth, age at experience, gender, or year of birth. However, years in mother-stepfather families were negative for whites but not for blacks.

Parental structure experiences of children: Exposure, transitions, and type at birth

This paper examines parental structure experiences during childhood and adolescence of non-Hispanic whites, blacks, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans born 1957 to 1964. The study shows that the parental structure types most commonly experienced are mother-father, mother only, and mother-stepfather. The study also finds that a significant proportion of children move into a mother-only family and do not leave it. Finally, the study shows that the parental structure experiences of children are strongly influenced by their parental structure at birth.

The counteracting influences of increased female headship and decreased number of children on inequality in economic well-being by age: 1960 to 1980

This study uses 1960, 1970, and 1980 US Census data to investigate the effects of increased female headship and decreased number of children on economic well-being. The main findings are (1) while increases in female headship lowered economic well-being, decreases in number of children raised economic well-being so that these changes had counteracting effects, and (2) age inequality in economic well-being changed because family composition changes varied in intensity by age group.