Rune Ervik

The Nordic Welfare Model and the European Union

None of the Scandinavian countries was invited to participate in the early European integration attempts after 1945 — attempts which resulted in the establishment of the West European Union in 1954. Neither were Scandinavian countries involved in negotiations over the European coal and steel community, or over the abortive European army. When Britain declined to join the EEC at its inauguration in 1957 such membership was definitely not a topical option for the Nordic countries. These quick historical notes are included to keep in mind that Scandinavia belongs to the periphery of Europe.

The Shark Jaw and the Elevator: Arguing the Case for the Necessity, Harmlessness and Fairness of the Norwegian Pension Reform

Based on the retrenchment literature, Norway is an unlikely candidate for comprehensive pension reform because of its unique economic situation, with a steadily growing petroleum fund and substantial tax revenues flowing into the public coffers. Thus, politicians should encounter difficulty convincing the electorate and strong interest groups of the need for reform. Nevertheless, reform did occur in Norway, and reform justifications faced surprisingly brief and light opposition. This article investigates the policy discourses applied and argues that two images of justification in the Norwegian pension reform process partially explain how resistance to the reform was overcome. The first image is a type of crisis scenario that is neatly cached in the ‘shark jaw’ image. The shark jaw can be visualised in a graphic illustration in which projected future petroleum revenues and pension expenses are displayed simultaneously. The lines for the two indicators extend in opposite directions, forming an image resembling a jaw. The second image frames the actual reform as an improvement; this view illustrates how the reform allows one to enter an ‘elevator’ that moves one upwards, presenting a stark contrast to the substance of retrenchment. The article is informed by Schmidts discursive-institutionalism perspective and her distinction between coordinative and communicative discourses. Empirically, the article relies on a comprehensive collection of materials, including document analysis, parliamentary debates, interviews, media searches and opinion surveys.

The Role of International Organizations in Social Policy

Contents: 1. Introduction Rune Ervik, Nanna Kildal and Even Nilssen 2. Comparing Social Policy Ideas Within the EU and the OECD Nanna Kildal 3. Directly-deliberative Polyarchy - A Suitable Democracy Model for European Social Policy? Milena Buchs 4. Combating Social Exclusion in the European Union Even Nilssen 5. Between Policymaking and Application of Law: The European Court of Justice and the Free Movement of Workers Aksel Hatland and Even Nilssen 6. EU and OECD Policy Advice and Changes in National Family Policy: Can Reforms be Attributed to Participation in Learning Processes? Tord Skogedal Linden 7. Policy Actors, Ideas and Power: EU and OECD Pension Policy Recommendations and National Policies Rune Ervik 8. Pension Policy of the International Labour Office Remi Maier-Rigaud 9. Towards a European Convergence in Pension Reform Priorities? Lessons from the OMC in Pensions Axel West Pedersen and Henning Finseraas 10. Health Policy - A Global Dimension? Christof Schiller, Henni Hensen and Stein Kuhnle

Remaking Economic Citizenship in Multicultural Europe: Women’s Movement Claims and the ‘Commodification of Elderly Care’

It is widely assumed that one of the most visible legacies of the second wave women’s movement has been a radical transformation of expectations regarding the gender division of employment and, to a lesser extent, unpaid care activities. However, some recent feminist research has stressed the unintended consequences of the claims made in the final decades of the twentieth century for women’s ‘emancipation through employment’ under what has sometimes been called the ‘paid work paradigm’ for gender equality (Meda and Perivier, 2007; Lewis 2003, 2007). In European policy terms, there are now quite clear signs of a shift from measures predicated on women’s widespread exclusion from the labour market to policies explicitly aimed at encouraging their continuous employment over the life-course (Jenson, 2008, 2009). However, this shift has been received with ambivalence in feminist circles, notably due to its potentially divisive effects on women as a social group and to its ineffectiveness in transforming the gender division of (paid and unpaid) care activities more generally. Despite the partial shift ‘from private to public reproduction’1 (Hernes, 1987), the main burden of care activities continues to fall principally on women’s shoulders (Bambra, 2007), but not necessarily equally on women of different social and racial origins, and not necessarily to the same extent in all national contexts.

Defining good health and care from the perspective of persons with multimorbidity: Results from a qualitative study of focus groups in eight European countries

Objectives The prevalence of multimorbidity is increasing in many Western countries. Persons with multimorbidity often experience a lack of alignment in the care that multiple health and social care organisations provide. As a response, integrated care programmes are appearing. It is a challenge to evaluate these and to choose appropriate outcome measures. Focus groups were held with persons with multimorbidity in eight European countries to better understand what good health and a good care process mean to them and to identify what they find most important in each. Methods In 2016, eight focus groups were organised with persons with multimorbidity in: Austria, Croatia, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain and the UK (total n=58). Each focus group followed the same two-part procedure: (1) defining (A) good health and well-being and (B) a good care process, and (2) group discussion on prioritising the most important concepts derived from part one and from a list extracted from the literature. Inductive and deductive analyses were done. Results Overall, the participants in all focus groups concentrated more on the care process than on health. Persons with multimorbidity defined good health as being able to conduct and plan normal daily activities, having meaningful social relationships and accepting the current situation. Absence of shame, fear and/or stigma, being able to enjoy life and overall psychological well-being were also important facets of good health. Being approached holistically by care professionals was said to be vital to a good care process. Continuity of care and trusting professionals were also described as important. Across countries, little variation in health definitions were found, but variation in defining a good care process was seen. Conclusion A variety of health outcomes that entail well-being, social and psychological facets and especially experience with care outcomes should be included when evaluating integrated care programmes for persons with multimorbidity.