Sander Happaerts
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven
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Regional & Federal Studies | 2010
Sander Happaerts; Karoline Van den Brande; Hans Bruyninckx
Subnational entities increasingly exert agency in multilateral decision making. Since they are often not recognized as actors in multilateral bodies, they use several mechanisms to gain representation. An example of an extra-state mechanism is the participation in inter-subnational networks. This article is about the Network of Regional Governments for Sustainable Development (nrg4SD), a network that focuses on sustainable development and that has a unique global scope, addressing the UN institutions above all. A first part of our analysis shows that, although it is a relatively young initiative, nrg4SD has evolved into an institution with a permanent character, but subsequently went through a period of stagnation and criticism. It also demonstrates that, besides offering subnational entities an extra-state route to multilateral decision making, it entails an important internal dimension as well, through the promotion of policy learning and bilateral co-operation. The second part of the article offers a comparative analysis of three of the networks members (Flanders, the Basque Country and North Rhine-Westphalia), which shows that they have diverging views on nrg4SD and its functioning and use their participation in very different ways and with different results.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies | 2012
Sander Happaerts; Simon Schunz; Hans Bruyninckx
This article discusses the relations between the different layers of government in Belgium with regard to a typical multi-level issue, i.e. climate change. It addresses the question to which degree the characteristics of Belgian federalism shape those intergovernmental relations. Three major characteristics are identified: the constitutionally ‘dual’ but de facto ‘cooperative’ federalism, the Europeanization of competences and of relations, and the executive and politicized character of federalism. The impact of those characteristics are studied with regard to crucial cases in recent decision-making on (i) domestic climate change policy in Belgium and on (ii) the position and representation of Belgium in the international climate change debate. It is observed that intergovernmental relations on climate change are to a high degree institutionalized. That is the consequence of the fragmentation in many of the competence areas important for climate change (e.g. environment, energy, transport). The different cooperation mechanisms are based on consensus, as a consequence of the principle of no hierarchy between the two levels of government. Since climate change is a highly sensitive issue involving important interests, consensus-based decision-making has led to lengthy and difficult discussions. In the complex Belgian setting, the EU is often the number one reason to bring the different governments around the same table. Intergovernmental relations on climate change policy in Belgium are triggered by formal requests by the EU to take a stance or deliver certain policy outputs on specific issues. Yet international requirements and deadlines are unable to break domestic gridlock due to political stalemates. Intergovernmental relations are completely controlled by political parties and ministerial cabinets. That becomes problematic in a context of political asymmetry, where the distinct levels of government are ruled by different coalitions. In the case of climate change, the opposition between conservative and progressive climate goals has meant that Belgium was unable to take a stance in recent debates, and it increases the probability of policy failures.
Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice | 2011
Sander Happaerts; Karoline Van den Brande
Abstract Sustainable development needs to be tackled at different levels of governance. An important role is put aside for subnational entities (such as provinces, states or regions), because of their often large implementation responsibilities. Sustainable development is to a large extent decided in multilateral organizations, such as the UN, the OECD or the EU. Yet unlike nation-states, subnational governments are not formally bound by international commitments. This article uses the concept of transnational communication as a perspective to examine the extent to which international policy and decision-making resonates at the subnational level. Building on the tradition of policy convergence studies, theoretical and methodological refinements are made to explore how the concept can be applied to sustainable development and to subnational governments. Subsequently, the results are presented of a comparative analysis investigating how international initiatives have triggered and shaped sustainable development policies in Quebec (Canada), North Rhine-Westphalia (Germany) and Flanders (Belgium). The findings suggest that international events play a key role in triggering sustainable development policies at the subnational level, but that their impact on policy content is not uniform. It is also stated that political will is needed for sustainable development initiatives to gain ground and that the presence of a strong identity determines whether or not subnational governments are receptive to international influences.
Archive | 2012
Sander Happaerts
In this chapter the focus is on the sustainable development policy of Wallonia. One of the three Belgian Regions (gewesten),1 Wallonia has cornpetences in many important areas such as environment, spatial planning, agriculture, economic development, foreign trade, energy and transport (Swenden et al. 2006: 865-8). The allocation of competences in Belgium is based on the principle of exclusivity. That means that each matter can only pertain to one level of government, that is, that level has both legislating and implementing responsibilities in that matter (Reuchamps and Onclin 2009: 30). Furthermore, no hierarchy exists between federal and subnational legislation (Swenden 2006: 54), which means that Wallonia and the other Belgian entities are to be considered as one of the most autonomous subnational governments worldwide.2 Since the cornpetences of the federal level are extremely limited in some areas, the involvement of the subnational governments is indispensable for the implementation of international commitments on sustainable development. In Belgium, all governments (both federal and subnational) need to pursue sustainable development within the limits of their competences. That was agreed by an intergovernmental commission in 2005 and it has been enshrined in the Belgian Constitution since 2007 (Belgische Senaat 2007: Article 7bis; IMCDO 2005: §5). The
Journal of Integrative Environmental Sciences | 2015
Sander Happaerts
Abstract In research on climate governance, increasing attention is given to the potential role of subnational governments as loci of bottom-up policy innovation. This article looks at the role that the Belgian subnational governments can play, from the perspective of the Belgian federal architecture. The findings point out that the Belgian subnational governments do not act as laboratories of experimentation. On the one hand, climate change touches upon political sensitivities that hijack the intergovernmental cooperative mechanisms. On the other hand, the policy-making opportunities of federalism are constrained by the low ambitions on climate change of political actors at all levels, and the system at the same time allows them to maintain those low ambitions. It is argued that the complexities of the Belgian system favour status quo policies for climate change, which makes this analysis a crucial case in the multi-level governance of climate change.
Archive | 2012
Sander Happaerts; Hans Bruyninckx; Karoline Van den Brande
The chapters in this volume have given an account of a multitude of subnational activities for sustainable development. The issue has clearly found its way on to the subnational policy agenda, and subnational governments have taken many initiatives to institutionalize it. In some cases, new approaches were initiated only recently, such as in the Basque Country, Flanders and Wallonia. The book also shows that subnational governments are pushed to ‘go international’ for sustainable development, trying to influence regional and global decision-making and trying to gain international visibility for their own efforts. However, it is also clear that sustainable development’s general appeal is lower now than it was at the time of the Rio Summit or the Johannesburg Summit. In some cases, the enthusiasm has faded and the meta-concept of sustainable development has difficulties in staying on the political agenda, where it is replaced by increased attention on more specific policy issues (such as climate change). The situation is thus ambiguous, and future developments will point out whether sustainable development remains an attractive concept to guide policy-making.
Archive | 2016
Sander Happaerts
For a number of years now, ‘transitions’ has been the new buzzword in international policy-making. The emergence of an international transitions discourse is linked to debates on the green economy and a low carbon society, and is manifested within the UN system as well as in EU discussions. Does the apparent political appeal of a concept that introduces fundamental changes mean more than the superficial use of the word ‘transition’? And how far is it also translated into policy? This chapter analyses international policy initiatives from the perspective of sustainability transitions, with the aim of moving towards a better understanding of the potential role of international policy-making in current and future transitions. A case study of the European Commission’s policy initiatives on resource efficiency demonstrates a remarkably strong awareness of transitions thinking, consistently integrated into the discourse with the intention of creating a sense of urgency and convincing other actors of the need for fundamental change. Furthermore, transitions thinking has served as the inspiration for a number of principles, goals and instruments, such as the European Resource Efficiency Platform.
International Environmental Agreements-politics Law and Economics | 2011
Sander Happaerts; Karoline Van den Brande; Hans Bruyninckx
Environmental Policy and Governance | 2012
Sander Happaerts
Environmental Policy and Governance | 2011
Karoline Van den Brande; Sander Happaerts; Hans Bruyninckx