Sandra McGee Deutsch

Em guarda contra o “perigo vermelho”: O anticomunismo no Brasil (1917–1964)

Um dos aspectos menos privilegiados na Ciência Política brasileira diz respeito à atuação das forças anticomunistas ao longo de nossa história. Orquestrado por grupos conservadores e em certos momentos até por alas progressistas 1, o anticomunismo brasileiro é sem dúvida um dos fenômenos políticos mais relevantes nas duas fases de colapso institucional da democracia no Brasil (especificamente, a ascensão do Estado Novo (1937) e o golpe de 31 de março de 1964). Esses períodos são sublinhados na obra de Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta, que apresenta um notável levantamento de fontes acerca do assunto e configura-se como uma interessante contribuição para o escasso conjunto de trabalhos sobre o tema.

Argentine Women Against Fascism: The Junta de la Victoria, 1941–1947

The Junta de la Victoria (Victory Board; 1941–1947) was an Argentine anti-fascist womens group that sent aid to the Allies. With its 45,000 members, the Junta became the largest womens political group before Juan Peróns presidency (1946–1955), when women obtained suffrage (1947). Unlike other womens anti-fascist groups in Europe and Latin America, the Junta concentrated on modeling and amplifying democratic practices in the face of an increasingly dictatorial government and Axis advances in World War II. Thus it was unique. To a certain degree, the Junta tried to implement a broader view of democracy that went beyond protecting individual rights, free elections, and the rule of law to include men and women of different classes, faiths, ethnicities, and regions in the polity. Aside from helping the Allies, it mobilised a spectrum of women and inserted them into the political arena, bridged differences among them, and fostered their engagement. It broadly disseminated its message in order to bring the masses into an anti-fascist orbit. While the Junta sought to renovate a democracy under siege, its conception of this type of governance had some shortcomings. Nevertheless, the Argentine case demonstrates that different contexts produced different anti-fascisms.

The Argentine Right and the Jews, 1919–1933

In Prisoner Without A Name, Cell Without A Number , Jacobo Timerman exposed the anti-Jewish side of the official war against ‘subversion’ in Argentina during the late 1970s. His dramatic testimony is only the latest entry in the lengthy history of twentieth-century Argentine anti-Semitism. Researchers and observers have commonly identified anti-Semitism in that country with rightist factions within the upper strata, including members of such important elites as the military, clergy, and intelligentsia. While only a small minority of the Argentine populace fits into this category, the anti-Semitic rights visibility and fervor have inspired widespread concern and scholarly interest.

The New School Lecture ''An Army of Women'': Communist-Linked Solidarity Movements, Maternalism, and Political Consciousness in 1930s and 1940s Argentina

“I carried a package for Osvaldo Pugliese,” Teresa de Gílenberg proudly recalled during our interview in 1997. One day in the late 1940s, this Communist militant of Polish origins asked Juan, a vendor in her barrio, if he would contribute potatoes and gather foods from other tradesmen in solidarity with Pugliese, a renowned tango composer, orchestra director, and Communist who was incarcerated in the infamous Villa Devoto jail. Juan brought her a large parcel containing his donations and those offered by his fellow vendors, and she personally handed it to the musician.

Árabes y judíos en Iberoamérica: similitudes, diferencias y tensiones (review)

Despite the fact that Landerss writing shows great verve and skill, the narrative is at times a little convoluted or rushed, with some lack of balance from one chapter to another. This, again, is largely because the book is too short for what should perhaps have been several longer pieces. Atlantic Creoles also lacks a comprehensive conclusion of the kind that might really open this subject up to other avenues of research and underscore the novelty of this work in a crowded field.

Right-Wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende, 1964-1973 (review)

projects, the union movement, and the ideological polarization of national politics changed, or failed to change, relations between men and women in rural Chile. She concludes that although the agrarian program of the Christian Democrats benefited women in a number of ways, their model of “ ‘family uplift’ translated gender inequalities and sexual hierarchies into national policy as natural facts” (pp. 207–8). The subsequent Unidad Popular’s “patriarchal stance toward women coexisted with visionary plans to revolutionize female roles” (p. 219). Tinsman is clearly correct that the literature on the Chilean agrarian reform, the rural labor movement, and the breakdown of the Chilean political system in 1973 has neglected the role of women. Likewise, there is no question that policy makers and analysts were little concerned with “patriarchy and what makes it tick.” Her study leaves no doubt that women’s activities mattered to the agrarian reform and that many women benefited from it, despite the simultaneous reinforcement of certain aspects of traditional, patriarchal gender relations. More generally, Tinsman creatively tells an untold story: the many ways that agrarian reform changed gender relations and how these changes reverberated in national and local politics and society. What is not convincingly demonstrated is that these two Chilean governments attempted to refashion gender relations as Tinsman suggests: that their agrarian reforms had a “gendered mission,” either to reinforce existing gender relations or to revolutionize them. Most Chileans, including government officials and policy makers, did not associate agrarian reform with changing family relations or questioning patriarchy. In fact, one reason that Tinsman’s work is so welcome is that “government officials and union leaders rarely mentioned women” (p. 8), as is also true for most previous research on the agrarian reform.