Sara Clavero

Prospects for Women's Legislative Representation in Postsocialist Europe: The Views of Female Politicians

Research on womens political representation in postsocialist Europe has highlighted the role of cultural and political factors in obstructing womens access to legislative power, such as the prevalence of traditional gender stereotypes, electoral systems, and the absence of a feminist movement. Yet, the role of women political elites in enhancing or hindering womens access to political power in the region has so far remained uncharted. This article seeks to fill some of the existing gaps in this literature by examining the views of women politicians with regard to womens political underrepresentation and their assessments of strategies for redressing this imbalance. Findings from the analysis reveal that although women politicians recognize gender inequalities in representation as a problem requiring intervention, how the problem is perceived, and the preferred measures to deal with it, is largely shaped by the social and cultural context in which these actors are embedded.

Gendering Enlargement of the EU

Originally starting in the 1950s with a membership of only six countries (Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg), the European Union (EU) has substantially enlarged its membership in each decade since the 1970s to 27 members today — with the likelihood of more to come in the next decade. The process of enlargement began with the incorporation of Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom into the European Economic Community in 1973, followed by Greece (1981), Spain and Portugal (1986). In a third ‘wave’ of expansion, Austria, Finland and Sweden became members of the European Community (EC) in 1995. Cyprus, Malta and eight countries of Central and Eastern Europe brought the total EU membership to 25 nations in 2004; they were subsequently joined by Romania and Bulgaria, admitted in 2007. By 2010, three further countries had secured ‘candidate’ membership status and were actively negotiating to become members of the EU: Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Turkey. In addition, six other countries, the majority from the Balkan region along with Iceland, were recognised by the EU as potential candidates. Each stage of enlargement has required the countries seeking membership to adopt, transpose and implement the complete body of European law, policies, jurisprudence and practices known as the acquis communautaire, in force at that point in time (Iankova and Katzenstein 2003: 272).

Gender Equality and Multilevel Governance in East Central Europe

The move from communism to liberal democracy in east central Europe (ECE) has resulted in women being left behind in these transition processes. Women continue to be disproportionally affected by cuts in employment, are more likely to be employed in the less dynamic services sector, and are more at risk of poverty than men.2 In political participation, too, women are making only a gradual recovery from their virtual absence from national politics that marked the first democratic elections (Figure 11.1). The deterioration of the position of women is not only a consequence of macroeconomic changes, but it is also due to a strengthening of patriarchal values and traditional gender roles infusing policy and politics in ECE.3

Review: Cynthia Enloe, Seriously! Investigating Crashes and Crises as If Women Mattered

influence the universities they join, reinforcing the weight of elite structures. As Bourdieu would say, reproduction is underway. However, is the elite system the problem or is the problem the attention that is given to it? Turner astutely used a blog to illustrate the paradox of top-school graduates enjoying a position in a different university (p. 86). Although the book displays a lengthy description of American sociology, little is said about how change will occur. Turner puts Erving Goffman forward to show it is possible to be an extremely popular sociologist without being recognized by the so-called elite (p. 39). Variety is still tolerated in the sociological field. American Sociology dynamically and synthetically browses the most important aspects of the discipline over a century in language that will provide enjoyment and pleasure to any lover of the English language. Abstracts at the beginning of each chapter help to structure the book progressively and reflect on its content. However, the knowledge presented remains shallow. Turner only slightly touches on the book’s topic. Although the author is calling for innovation in sociology, the book avoids taking sides and therefore lacks the ability to advance the field in a concrete way. This book targets a sociological audience interested in grasping the stakes of American sociology; even so, the need for the big picture is felt throughout. Envisioning such an ambitious topic without looking for the influence of external factors appears naïve. The author argues that the feminization of sociology and the elite system are typical of the American situation and that it could be seen as navel-gazing by international scholars. In addition, nothing is said about the impact of foreigners on American sociology. For instance, how did the massive arrival of European thinkers, often brilliant, in the 1930s and thereafter influence American sociology? Acknowledging every little difference between American sociologists will not promote the cohesion and harmony required to move toward a common goal, which is, according to Turner, ‘the common good.’ What makes a soil richer is its composition, as long as every element holds together. If American sociologists aim to work for a better world, it is time to reach for each other’s hand in order to avoid sociological drift.

Democracy, Gender and Social Policy in Russia. A Wayward Society

In the summer of 2012, aMoscowCourtdecision to sentence three members of the protest group Pussy Riot to two years imprisonment after having staged an anti-Putin performance in an orthodox cathedra...