Shawna J. Lee

Intimate Partner Violence, Maternal Stress, Nativity, and Risk for Maternal Maltreatment of Young Children

OBJECTIVES We examined the associations of intimate partner violence (IPV) and maternal risk factors with maternal child maltreatment risk within a diverse sample of mothers. METHODS We derived the study sample (N=2508) from the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study. We conducted regression analyses to examine associations between IPV, parenting stress, major depression, key covariates, and 4 proxy variables for maternal child maltreatment. RESULTS Mothers reported an average of 25 acts of psychological aggression and 17 acts of physical aggression against their 3-year-old children in the year before the study, 11% reported some act of neglect toward their children during the same period, and 55% had spanked their children during the previous month. About 40% of mothers had experienced IPV by their current partner. IPV and maternal parenting stress were both consistent risk factors for all 4 maltreatment proxy variables. Although foreign-born mothers reported fewer incidents of child maltreatment, the IPV relative risk for child maltreatment was greater for foreign-born than for US-born mothers. CONCLUSIONS Further integration of IPV and child maltreatment prevention and intervention efforts is warranted; such efforts must carefully balance the needs of adult and child victims.

Mothers' Spanking of 3-Year-Old Children and Subsequent Risk of Children's Aggressive Behavior

OBJECTIVE: The goal was to examine the association between the use of corporal punishment (CP) against 3-year-old children and subsequent aggressive behavior among those children. METHODS: Respondents (N = 2461) participated in the Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study (1998–2005), a population-based, birth cohort study of children born in 20 large US cities. Maternal reports of CP, childrens aggressive behaviors at 3 and 5 years of age, and a host of key demographic features and potential confounding factors, including maternal child physical maltreatment, psychological maltreatment, and neglect, intimate partner aggression victimization, stress, depression, substance use, and consideration of abortion, were assessed. RESULTS: Frequent use of CP (ie, mothers use of spanking more than twice in the previous month) when the child was 3 years of age was associated with increased risk for higher levels of child aggression when the child was 5 years of age (adjusted odds ratio: 1.49 [95% confidence interval: 1.2–1.8]; P < .0001), even with controlling for the childs level of aggression at age 3 and the aforementioned potential confounding factors and key demographic features. CONCLUSIONS: Despite American Academy of Pediatrics recommendations to the contrary, most parents in the United States approve of and have used CP as a form of child discipline. The current findings suggest that even minor forms of CP, such as spanking, increase risk for increased child aggressive behavior. Importantly, these findings cannot be attributed to possible confounding effects of a host of other maternal parenting risk factors.

Does warmth moderate longitudinal associations between maternal spanking and child aggression in early childhood

This study examines whether maternal warmth moderates the association between maternal use of spanking and increased child aggression between ages 1 and 5. Participants were 3,279 pairs of mothers and their children from a cohort study of urban families from 20 U.S. cities. Maternal spanking was assessed when the child was 1 year, 3 years, and 5 years of age. Maternal warmth and child aggressive behavior were measured at 3 years and 5 years of age. Models controlled for demographic characteristics (measured at the childs birth), child emotionality (measured at age 1), and maternal psychosocial risk factors (measured when children were 3 years old). Cross-lagged path models examined the within-time and longitudinal associations between spanking and child aggression. Results indicated that maternal spanking at age 1 was associated with higher levels of child aggression at age 3; similarly, maternal spanking at age 3 predicted increases in child aggression by age 5. Maternal warmth when children were 3 years old did not predict changes in child aggression between 3 and 5 years old. Furthermore, maternal warmth did not moderate the association between spanking and increased child aggression over time. Beginning as early as age 1, maternal spanking is predictive of child behavior problems, and maternal warmth does not counteract the negative consequences of the use of spanking.

Paternal Psychosocial Characteristics and Corporal Punishment of Their 3-Year-Old Children

This study uses data from 2,309 biological fathers who participated in the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study (FFCWS) to examine associations between psychosocial characteristics and levels of corporal punishment (CP) toward their 3-year-old children over the past month. Results indicate that 61% of the fathers reported no CP over the past month, 23% reported using CP once or twice, and 16% reported using CP a few times in the past month or more. In multivariate models controlling for important sociodemographic factors as well as characteristics of the child, fathers’ parenting stress, major depression, heavy alcohol use, and drug use were significantly associated with greater use of CP, whereas involvement with the child and generalized anxiety disorder were not. Girls were less likely to be the recipient of CP than were boys, and child externalizing behavior problems but not internalizing behavior problems were associated with more CP.

Parental spanking of 1-year-old children and subsequent child protective services involvement.

The majority of U.S. parents spank their children, often beginning when their children are very young. We examined families (N=2,788) who participated in a longitudinal community-based study of new births in urban areas. Prospective analyses examined whether spanking by the childs mother, father, or mothers current partner when the child was 1-year-old was associated with household CPS involvement between age 1 and age 5. Results indicated that 30% of 1-year-olds were spanked at least once in the past month. Spanking at age 1 was associated with increased odds of subsequent CPS involvement (adjusted odds ratio=1.36, 95% CI [1.08, 1.71], p<.01). When compared to non-spanked children, there was a 33% greater probability of subsequent CPS involvement for children who were spanked at age 1. Given the undesirable consequences of spanking children and a lack of empirical evidence to suggest positive effects of physical punishment, professionals who work with families should counsel parents not to spank infants and toddlers. For optimal benefits, efforts to educate parents regarding alternative forms of discipline should begin during the childs first year of life.

Direct and Mediated Effects of Nativity and Other Indicators of Acculturation on Hispanic Mothers' Use of Physical Aggression

This study used data from 845 foreign-born (n = 328) and native-U.S. born (n = 517) Hispanic mothers who participated in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS) to examine four indicators of acculturation—nativity, years lived in the United States, religious attendance, and endorsement of traditional gender norms—as predictors of maternal physical aggression directed toward young children. The authors also examined whether psychosocial risk factors associated with child maltreatment and acculturation—maternal alcohol use, depression, parenting stress, and intimate partner aggression and violence—mediate relationships between acculturation and maternal aggression. Foreign-born Hispanic mothers had significantly lower rates of physical aggression than native-born Hispanic mothers. In path modeling results, U.S. nativity, along with maternal alcohol use, parenting stress, and child aggressive behavior, emerged as the strongest risk factors for maternal physical aggression. Among the four acculturation indicators, only foreign birth was directly associated with lower maternal aggression. Study findings suggest immigrant status is a unique protective factor that contributes to lower levels of physical aggression among Hispanic mothers.

Profiles of Disciplinary Behaviors Among Biological Fathers

This study assesses fathers’ discipline of their 3-year-old child. Data are from 1,238 mother and father participants in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Latent class analysis (LCA) of nonaggressive and aggressive behaviors, as reported by mothers, indicated four distinct paternal disciplinary profiles: low discipline, low aggression, moderate physical aggression, and high physical and psychological aggression. Serious forms of psychological aggression directed toward the child were uncommon but may identify those fathers most in need of intervention. Use of nonaggressive discipline was high and nearly equivalent among the parenting profiles. However, child aggressive behavior increased as the child’s exposure to paternal aggression increased, even when aggressive discipline was combined with high levels of nonaggressive discipline. Fathers who exhibited more aggression toward their child had higher levels of alcohol use, used more psychological aggression toward the child’s mother, and were more likely to spank their child.

Spanking and adult mental health impairment: The case for the designation of spanking as an adverse childhood experience

Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) such as child abuse are related to poor health outcomes. Spanking has indicated a similar association with health outcomes, but to date has not been considered an ACE. Physical and emotional abuse have been shown in previous research to correlate highly and may be similar in nature to spanking. To determine if spanking should be considered an ACE, this study aimed to examine 1): the grouping of spanking with physical and emotional abuse; and 2) if spanking has similar associations with poor adult health problems and accounts for additional model variance. Adult mental health problems included depressive affect, suicide attempts, moderate to heavy drinking, and street drug use. Data were from the CDC-Kaiser ACE study (N=8316, response rate=65%). Spanking loaded on the same factor as the physical and emotional abuse items. Additionally, spanking was associated with increased odds of suicide attempts (Adjusted Odds Ratios (AOR)=1.37; 95% CI=1.02 to1.86), moderate to heavy drinking (AOR)=1.23; 95% CI=1.07 to 1.41), and the use of street drugs (AOR)=1.32; 95% CI=1.4 to 1.52) in adulthood over and above experiencing physical and emotional abuse. This indicates spanking accounts for additional model variance and improves our understanding of these outcomes. Thus, spanking is empirically similar to physical and emotional abuse and including spanking with abuse adds to our understanding of these mental health problems. Spanking should also be considered an ACE and addressed in efforts to prevent violence.

Spanking of Young Children Do Immigrant and U.S.-Born Hispanic Parents Differ?

Building on prior research showing fewer parenting risk behaviors and lower levels of harsh punishment among less acculturated Hispanic parents, we tested the hypothesis that foreign-born (FB; immigrant) Hispanic parents use less spanking toward children at 3 years and 5 years of age than U.S.-born Hispanic parents. We also examined whether other indicators of acculturation—endorsement of traditional gender norms and religiosity—showed any direct or indirect effects in explaining the hypothesized association. Path model analyses were conducted with a sample of Hispanic mothers (n = 1,089) and fathers (n = 650). Cross-sectional and time lagged path models controlling for a wide range of psychosocial and demographic confounds indicated that, when compared with U.S.-born Hispanic parents, FB Hispanic mothers and fathers used less spanking toward their young children. In cross-sectional analysis only, mothers’ greater endorsement of traditional gender norms had small protective effects on spanking. Although fathers’ endorsement of traditional gender norms was not a significant direct predictor of spanking, there was a significant indirect effect of nativity status on spanking mediated by endorsement of traditional gender norms. Religiosity showed no relation to spanking for either mothers or fathers. Immigrant status may be an important protective factor that is associated with lower levels of parenting aggression among Hispanic mothers and fathers living in the United States.

Hispanic Fathers and Risk for Maltreatment in Father-Involved Families of Young Children.

The Hispanic population is the fastest growing segment of U.S. population. However, risks for child maltreatment in the foreign-born and native-born Hispanic populations are largely understudied. To address this knowledge gap, we explore the association of sociodemographic factors, psychosocial parenting factors, and nativity status with Hispanic fathers’ aggression toward their young children (3 to 5 years). Using the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study and the follow-up In-Home Longitudinal Study of Pre-School Aged Children, we examine data for 372 foreign-born (FB; n = 155) and native-born (NB; n = 217) Hispanic biological fathers residing in the home when the study target child was 3 years old. Results of analysis at the bivariate level show FB Hispanic fathers engage in fewer aggressive behaviors than NB Hispanic, White, or Black fathers. Time-lagged path models of Hispanic fathers show FB Hispanic fathers use less aggression than NB Hispanic fathers. Length of time in the United States was not associated with parenting aggression. Path models also examine paternal psychosocial factors such as alcohol use, depression, parenting stress, and involvement in caregiving, and control for the child’s aggressive behavior. Results suggest one reason Hispanic children do not face heightened risk for child welfare involvement, despite socioeconomic risks, is that FB Hispanic fathers use less aggression toward their young children. An implication of this finding is that socioeconomic and parenting behavior risks must be considered separately when practitioners are considering issues related to the representation of minority children in the child welfare system.