Sheldon W. Simon

Realism and neoliberalism: International relations theory and Southeast Asian security

Abstract Realism and neoliberalism, two schools of international relations theory, provide contending explanations for state behaviour in the international system. The latter believes that interstate cooperation will create institutions and regimes for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. The former argues that only ‘self help’ — the building of individual state military capabilities — can assure that state interests will be protected. A review of Southeast Asian security policies demonstrates that both paradigms coexist as the regions members enhance their individual military capabilities because of territorial disputes with neighbours, while simultaneously entering into new collaborative arrangements such as the ASEAN Regional Forum. The ARF has begun as a venue for discussions and reassurance among Southeast Asian states and external powers in hopes that the zero‐sum character of pure realism may ultimately be transcended.

Security prospects in Southeast Asia: Collaborative efforts and the ASEAN regional forum

Abstract The problems faced by ASEAN today are, in the main, a result of an attempt to adjust what was in the 1980s a small subregional association with limited functions to a major Asia‐Pacific actor embracing an open array of functions. For the 1990s, the ASEAN Regional Forum, which evolved from the Post‐Ministerial Conferences, is the new structure for coping with Asia‐Pacific political‐security relationships. While its expansive membership risks political fragmentation and decisional stalemate, in so far as it facilitates communication, provides military information, increases transparency, and reduces uncertainty, the Forum may be able in the long run to create a partial security community in the Asia‐Pacific.

Evaluating Track II approaches to security diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific: the CSCAP experience

Abstract The national Councils for Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAPs) are fine exemplars of Track II security diplomacy whose mission is to prepare studies on security matters for their governmental Track I counterparts in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). The CSCAPs also provide a test of propositions drawn from the epistemic community literature in inter-national relations which posits that non-governmental experts can influence government decision-making. This study of CSCAP activities and their impact on the ARF provides some support for epistemic community propositions. However, other findings suggest that epistemic community theory requires modification to take account of the blurred line between Tracks I and II in CSCAP. Nevertheless, the CSCAPs have achieved some noteworthy successes, including a definition of preventive diplomacy adopted by the ARF. On balance, then, Track II epistemic communities are playing a significant role in Track I security deliberations in the Asia-Pacific.

Alternative visions of security in the Asia Pacific

THE PURPOSES of this paper are twofold: (1) to assess the Asian-Pacific national security visions of two major actors who do not wish to but could become antagonists the United States and China. Their bilateral relationship and regional visions may well determine the Asia-Pacifics future stability. Lack of coherence in Americas Asian policy and the appearance of plans for territorial expansion in China are important explanations for arms buildups throughout the region. These trends are the subject of this studys second focus: (2) a discussion of regional arms buildups as a result of strategic uncertainty; cultural value conflict between the United States and its Asian partners which inhibits closer political ties; and finally the Asia-Pacific experiment with new, tentative moves toward security multilateralism. This most recent trend can be seen as a replacement for (or supplement to) the residual security guarantees of outside powers. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) constitutes an effort to go beyond deterrence and defense to the creation of reassurance and trust. While it is much too soon to assess its success, the mere fact of the ARFs existence demonstrates at least some progress in the search for new visions in Asia-Pacific security. I begin with an overview of the Asia-Pacific security situation.

Religion and conflict in South and Southeast Asia: Disrupting violence

Preface Part One: 1.Introduction: Disrupting Violence: Religion and Conflict in South and Southeast Asia Linell E. Cady and Sheldon W. Simon 2. From Bhindranwale to bin Laden: A Search for Understanding Religious Violence Mark Juergensmeyer Part Two: 3. The Sword Against the Crescent: Religion and Violence in Muslim Southeast Asia Robert W. Hefner 4. Buddhism, Violence, and the State in Burma (Myanmar) and Sri Lanka Juliane Schober 5. The Roots of Religious Violence in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh Sumit Ganguly 6. Religious Conflict and the Globalization of Knowledge in Indonesian History Mark Woodward 7. Religious Violence Beyond Borders: Reframing South Asian Cases Alyssa Ayres 8. The (Psychic) Roots of Religious Violence in South and Southeast Asia Kumar Ramakrishna 9. Debating Strategies for Disrupting Violence: Lessons from South Asia Maya Chadda 10. Violence and the Long Road to Reconciliation in Southern Thailand Joseph Chinyong Liow 11. Levinas and the Question of Civilizational Amity after September 11 See Seng Tan Notes on Contributors About The National Bureau of Asian Research About The Center for the Study of Religion and Conflict Index

Belief systems and decision making in the Mayaguez Crisis

An excellent study of how decisions are made in times of national crisis and how preconceived opinions, personal agendas, and political considerations cloud judgement and obscure reality. The Mayaguez incident is explored as an example. Distributed by U. Presses of Florida. Annotation copyright Book

The limits of defense and security cooperation in Southeast Asia

Interest in regional security arrangements is burgeoning in the Asia-Pacific. Discussions about cooperative security other as an alternative or supplement to national defense reflect the concern that some form of cooperative secunty would provide greater stability than a reliance upon transitory balances of power; and reflect the belief that there should be a less costly and more stabilizing option superior to an exclusive dependence on individual national military buildups that could degenerate into a regional arms race. For Southeast Asia, the institutional solution to the security dilemma is located in ASEAN. In this article, I assess the barriers to a fuller security community in Southeast Asia; the current military situation in Southeast Asia, paying particular attention to the concurrent weapons modernization programs in most of the ASEAN countries; and focus on the role of China as a destabilizing power in the ASEAN region. More generally, I argue that ASEAN is a security commnity, that there is a set of ASEAN norms which promise greater security cooperation, and that there are real limits to security multilateralism in

Safety and Security in the Malacca Straits: The Limits of Collaboration

Abstract The Malacca Straits are arguably the worlds busiest and most important waterways. An estimated 25 to 40 percent of all trade passes through them each year, including significant amounts of global oil supplies and other natural resources. Increased vulnerability of shipments through the area, from such causes as piracy and armed robbery to navigational and safety concerns, prompted littoral and user states to mount a series of initiatives that helped significantly bolster ship security in the region over the last several years. User states are providing financial and technical assistance to the littoral states, but that assistance has been largely bilateral, with some new collaboration among the participants suggesting a multilateral approach to enhancing safety and security. However, questions remain about the sustainability of these programs, additional needs and opportunities, and the lessons they may offer for enhancing safety and security in other regions. For the Malacca Straits states, continued resistance to sovereignty infringements persist even though they remain dependent on financial and other assistance from user states for many of their security needs.

U.S. Interests in Southeast Asia: The Future Military Presence

tag=1 data=U.S. interests in Southeast Asia: the future military presence. by Sheldon W. Simon tag=2 data=Simon, Sheldon W. tag=3 data=Asian Survey, tag=4 data=31 tag=5 data=7 tag=6 data=July 1991 tag=7 data=662-675. tag=8 data=SOUTH-EAST ASIA tag=9 data=PHILIPPINES BASES%SUBIC BAY%ASEAN tag=10 data=For security purposes, the United States sees South-East Asia as a maritime region of vast sea spaces. Provided by MICAH, Canberra. tag=11 data=1991/3/15 tag=12 data=91/1174 tag=13 data=CAB

The US Rebalance and Southeast Asia

This article assesses Southeast Asian views of the US “rebalance,” examining reactions to US military deployments, military assistance to partners, and support for Southeast Asian diplomacy on South China Sea conflicts. Although not ostensibly designed to contain China, the rebalance provides Southeast Asia with hedging options against more assertive PRC actions in the South China Sea.