Sherry Olson

Family contexts of fertility and infant survival in nineteenth-century Montreal.

In the cohort of 4000 infants born in Montreal in 1859, the cultural context showed a powerful influence on infant mortality: more French Canadian infants died in their first year than Protestant or Irish Catholic. Socio-economic status shows no effect on infant mortality, although in each cultural community the wealthy had a higher birth rate than the poor. A higher birth rate to French Canadian mothers can be attributed entirely to the larger number of deaths followed by prompt “replacement.” Among mothers whose infants survived twelve months, all three communities show the same median birth intervals, indicative of a high fertility, apparently regulated by breastfeeding. The summer concentration of infant deaths nevertheless points to diarrheal diseases and differences of infant feeding.

Mortality in late nineteenth-century Montreal: Geographic pathways of contagion

In the City of Montreal, 1881, the presence of three cultural communities with different profiles of economic status makes it possible to observe the way social settings affected survival over a lifetime. Regression models show culturally determined maternal factors dominant for infants, and persistent throughout childhood. For post-neonates, children aged 1–4, and adults aged 15–59 household poverty has a comparable effect. Among adults, a gender penalty differs among the three communities. Models are improved when differentiated by cause of death. Locating households using a GIS reveals high levels of residential segregation by ethnicity and income, spatial correlation of environmental hazards, and constraints on exit from zones of risk, which together produce neighbourhood effects as large as household effects. Attention to groups excluded (foundlings and inmates of institutions) confirms that models limited to full household-level information significantly underestimate the impacts of poverty and exclusion.

Red destinies: The landscape of environmental risk in Madagascar

Ecological events which recur with a period of 5–30 years are perceived as “discontinuities” and culturally interpreted. A cultural model of environmental expectation and intervention is inferred from Malagasy games, dwellings, and forecasts. In a series of examples from Malagasy communities, we shall first identify a set of underlying principles. We shall refer briefly to the nearest corresponding concepts in western scientific thought, known as catastrophe theory, and show the relevance of the concepts to four practical problems of environmental management.

Geography and genealogy of the human host harbouring a distinctive drug-resistant strain of tuberculosis

For a strain of Mycobacterium tuberculosis mono-resistant to pyrazinamide (PZA), we report the geographic distribution within Quebec of the 77 cases diagnosed during 1990-2000. Known as the Quebec mutation (or the pncA deletion), the strain is rare in urban areas and showed an unexpected concentration in Mauricie, one of the 16 health districts of the province, with a cluster of 10 cases situated in a rural area of 35-km radius. The cases occurred among people >50 (98%), of French Canadian origins (90%), and are understood to have arisen by reactivation. The rarity in Montreal and smaller cities is explained by the youthfulness of massive postwar migrations. To reach back into the history of settlement, we examined genealogies: 92,429 ancestral marriages for 32 of the 77 PZA-resistant isolates and 226,535 for a set of 85 controls with isolates of more diverse mycobacterial strains. Genealogical analysis showed no salient common ancestor for the cases, and kinship among them was no greater than observed in control samples from the same regions. But it identified an unsuspected geographical region as the site of ancestral concentrations prior to 1840, for both resistant strains and controls. The following scenario is proposed for the resistant strain: endemic in a specific geographical region by 1800, it dispersed with families moving into regions opened to settlement in the 1840s and 1850s, among them Mauricie, where dispersion was intensified by seasonal mobility of labour in logging, milling and marketing timber. In high-incidence areas, it is difficult to distinguish cases of reactivation from recent infections, but the low-incidence context allows us to observe a 200-year trajectory of a distinctive drug-resistant strain of M. tuberculosis.

Ethnic Partition of the Work Force in 1840s Montréal

As AN APPRAISAL OF ETHNIC WEIGHTING in the Montreal labour force, I introduce the 1842 manuscript census to estimate the relative sizes of four cultural communities and the social distances among them. The logic of grouping is schematized in Figure 1 in terms of shared language or religion. Since each community occupied a distinctive niche in the urban economy, it is possible that ethnic differences, often cited as a root of the violence of the 1840s, may have veiled its economic basis. For this reason, the ethnic partition of work, coupled with differential vulnerability of the several communities to economic stress, becomes critical to interpretation of the volatility of the 1840s. The political violence of that decade has been overshadowed by the Rebellions of 1837-1839, which were more readily perceived as a milestone in a nation-building historiography. Indeed, imposition of Union in 1841 has been so generally regarded as closure to a drama that textbook accounts, even the periodization

Did Segregation Increase as the City Expanded

Montreal in 1881 was highly segregated along four distinct social dimensions: language, religion, socioeconomic status, and sector of employment. By 1901 the population had doubled, and we examine changes in residential distributions over the two decades. Despite the increased integration of certain groups, segregation remains high, and multiple dimensions are still discernible. In addition to long-established communities of French Canadians, Irish Catholics, and Anglo-Protestants, we see new streams of immigrants occupying their own patches in the urban fabric. To make meaningful observations of sociospatial changes over two decades, we used a geographic information system (GIS) to situate individual census households with spatial precision on 1 of 12,000 lots in 1881 and 30,000 in 1901, so that we could reaggregate them into meaningful districts of different scales and districts with identical boundaries for both years of observation, thereby overcoming the major methodological problems hindering previous comparative analyses. Coupling well-established statistical indexes of segregation and diversity in a GIS framework lends new analytic power to grasp the scale of phenomena and inquire into behavioral choices of nineteenth-century households. The empirical evidence shows how both concentration and diversity were built into the urban fabric. This study also offers methodological cues for comparative studies in other places and periods.

Provenances of naturalised plants in Australasia

SUMMARY In both Australia and New Zealand, numbers of naturalised flowering plant species have increased steadily since the start of European settlement, and this process shows no sign of abating. Plants native to Western Europe, the Mediterranean basin and the Middle East predominated during the mid‐nineteenth century, but in recent decades other geographical areas (notably the Western Hemisphere, Asia and Southern Africa) have become important sources of adventive plants. Today, the composition of ensembles of naturalised species more closely conforms to the diversity of physical environments in the host area. Species native to mediterranean‐type climates tend to dominate in Victoria, species from the Asian and American tropics are especially significant in Queensland, and species from cool temperate regions compose the bulk of the naturalised flora of south‐western New Zealand.