Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu

Sports as cultural diplomacy: the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa’s foreign policy

In order to win the rights to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup leaders of the post‐1994 government and soccer administrators used sport and cultural diplomacy as enabling instruments to assert South Africa’s credentials. Such a move was made possible by the fact that sport had been successfully used for decades as an oppositional tool against the apartheid regime. Another important contributory factor was that since 1994, South Africa’s foreign policy has been based on a vision of a ‘better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world’. This Pan‐African vision is defined by the following values: freedom, equality, solidarity and tolerance. These values also inform South Africa’s cultural diplomacy which underpins the staging of the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

Johannes Nkosi and the communist party of South Africa : Images of blood river and King Dingane in the late 1920s-1930

In divided societies like South Africa, history, among other things, serves ideological purposes. The colonial encounter between King Dingane, the second Zulu king, who ruled from 1828 to 1840, and white settlers highlights this fact. The core of Afrikaner Nationalist historiography regarded the king as a treacherous, uncivilized barbarian. He was perceived to be an anti-white demagogue who was beyond redemption. But elsewhere, African nationalists and workers viewed the king as one of the original freedom fighters who resisted the tyranny of the land-grabbing white settlers and voortrekkers of the nineteenth century. Their interpretations of King Dinganes relationship with white settlers depict the latter as disrespectful imperialists and unscrupulous men, attempting to enrich themselves at the expense of the indigenous population. Accordingly, their interpretation of this encounter revolves around the land question in South Africa. This article discusses a case study regarding these issues. It is about the challenge mounted by African workers in the late 1920s and 1930 against the official celebration of December 16. This celebration honored the victory of the voortrekkers at the so-called battle of Blood River on December 16, 1838-hence the public holiday was once referred to as Dingaans Day. As a counter-commemoration of this day, African workers regarded the official celebrations as symbolizing the loss of their land and the passing of their freedom. As a result African workers aligned with the Communist Party of South Africa, and through the leadership skills of Johannes Nkosi, mounted vigorous protests and challenges against these celebrations by white South Africans. They staged protest marches and defiant anti-pass campaigns that emphasized the centrality of the land question in South Africa. They also paid tribute to their past, include King Dingane. Through their actions they imbued conscience in African workers throughout the country, hence the re

African Nationalists and Contending Perspectives of King Dingane: 1916–1980s

This chapter focuses on positive and nuanced perspectives of King Dingane constructed by African nationalist intellectuals such as Selope Thema, Herbert Dhlomo and Jordan Ngubane. Although Thema changes his view about the king later in his life, African nationalism is the common thread that stitches these images together. Their perspectives are largely influenced by and are in opposition to the Afrikaner nationalists’ negative depictions of the king, particularly during the celebration and commemoration of ‘Dingaan’s Day’. These African nationalists also used newspapers such as iLanga, Bantu World and Inkundla yaBantu as vehicles for articulating their views. Herbert Dhlomo, a prolific scriptwriter, also staged a play based on King Dingane. It was performed by African students at the University of Natal’s Black Section.

Magolwane kaMkhathini Jiyane and Mshongweni: Izibongo and the Construction of King Dingane’s Archive

This chapter analyses the production by Africans of the original archive on King Dingane, the second king of amaZulu. The first part of the archive comprises mainly izibongo and oral traditions largely found in the James Stuart Archives. I examine the role of izimbongi, Magolwane kaMkhathini Jiyane and Mshongweni and the central role they played in the 1820s in creating the king’s image and archive through izibongo. Many primary sources still exist, such as oral traditions and izibongo that express various African perspectives of King Dingane and impi yaseNcome. These are both negative and positive. These contrasting negative and positive perceptions of the king also point to underlying political philosophy and survive because generally it is not easy to intervene and manipulate izibongo.

The Political Images of King Dingane in the Age of the Armed Struggle: 1960–1994

This chapter analyses the counter-commemoration of ‘Dingaan’s Day’ by the ANC and PAC during the years of the armed struggle. The liberation movements, through their leadership, constructed political perspectives of the Zulu king. As an example, ‘Dingaan’s Day’ or ‘The Day of the Vow’ assumed a new meaning because the ANC took a conscious decision to launch its military wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), on 16 December 1961. Subsequently, the liberation movement commemorated the day as ‘Heroes Day’. This chapter also analyses the oppositional view adopted by the Inkatha Freedom Party, through its leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, who altered his views after the introduction of the new political dispensation in 1994.

‘Remember Dingaan’s Day: The Passing of African Independence’: Public History and the Counter-Commemoration of King Dingane, 1920–1930

This chapter analyses the construction of divergent but positive perspectives of King Dingane outside the limits posed by the established archive. The African workers, led by Johannes Nkosi achieve this feat through counter-commemorations of ‘Dingaan’s Day’ (16 December) in the late 1920s and early 1930s. There is also a particular focus on land issues, because a sizeable number of Africans, through their insistence on counter-commemorating ‘Dingaan’s Day’, perceived this as a day that ushered in the loss of African independence and land. This opposition led to the murder of Nkosi and other workers by the police when they were involved in a protest March on 16 December 1930. The African National Congress’s constantly changing view of King Dingane is also discussed

African Academics and Poets: The Roots of Scholarly Perspectives on King Dingane, 1930s–1980s

The main argument expressed in Chap. 7 is underpinned by a plethora of scholarly perspectives about King Dingane. These contending perspectives are articulated by African academics, namely Bhambatha W. Vilakazi; Sibusiso Nyembezi; Eliot Zondi; Mazisi Kunene; Themba Msimang; and Felix Okoye. The chapter also discusses the positive image of King Dingane as reflected in narrative poetry written in isiZulu. There were two reasons why African writers chose historical novels and narrative poetry as a vehicle for expressing their everyday experience. Firstly, history enjoyed a disciplinary pre-eminence in South Africa and some writers used historical novels and narrative poetry as a subversive weapon. Secondly, by using these literary forms, they were able to bypass the restrictions and censorship imposed by the then government. Most of these perspectives change in a given time.

The Image of King Dingane and Zulu Nationalist Politics

Chapter 4 elaborates the point that by the 1920s and 1930s the archive on King Dingane was firmly established and consisted of documentary sources and archival material written by both Europeans and Africans. The established archive was reflected in isiZulu texts written by missionary educated Magema Fuze, John Dube and Rolfes Dhlomo. They were fiercely opposed to King Dingane. This archive also reflects how their negative perspectives were influenced by historical sources reflecting the ‘pre-contact’ or the pre-colonial history of southern Africa written by Europeans, which immortalised the pro-conquest prophecy attributed to the dying King Shaka. The chapter also highlights the fact that the anti-King Dingane images were ably challenged by Petros Lamula and Isaiah Shembe, whose perspectives adopted a nuanced, empowering image of King Dingane.

Oral Traditions and the Consolidation of King Dingane’s Archive: Mid-Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Century

Chapter 3 looks at the contribution to King Dingane’s oral traditions and archive by African public intellectuals such as Tununu and Sivivi. In this chapter, I also analyse the first published collection on the oral traditions of King Dingane, published in 1858 by William Ngidi and the Rev. J.W. Colenso in the book Izindatyana zabantu. The most enduring image from the oral traditions articulated by public intellectuals is that of the king as weakling, easily influenced by the Regent Queen Mnkabayi—the kingmaker. These traditions also depict King Dingane as a mirror image of King Shaka and also focus on the endless succession battles within the Zulu royal house. The chapter also highlights the fact that there is a complex relationship and interplay between indigenous narratives and colonial ones and the processes of representation in which they engage. This includes the role of James Stuart and his African interlocutors.

The struggle continues towards a genuine and lasting emancipation: South Africa in the past 20 years

The article underlines the fact that most of the problems facing the African National Congress (ANC) as the ruling party in South Africa are not new. A comparative analysis of the ANCs Consultative Conference held at Morogoro in 1969 with its national conference held 38 years later at Polokwane in 2007 proves this glaring point. The article also focuses on the battle of ideas by highlighting the intellectual struggles waged by African leaders against neo-colonialism – including racist white rule in apartheid South Africa. These leaders, including Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimu Nyerere and O.R. Tambo among others, emphasised the centrality of both African and international solidarity in the struggle for national liberation in South Africa. Their viewpoints can be contrasted with intellectual diatribe against the national liberation struggle in South Africa spewed by white academics such as Belinda Bozzoli and Peter Delius. The latter were also dismissive of the role of African intellectuals in providing solution to the South African question. Such viewpoints correspond to those held by the President Jacob Zuma who contemptuously refers to African intellectuals as ‘clever blacks’ and has consistently ignored their crucial role in terms of providing lasting solutions and innovative ideas to problems bedevilling the post-1994 democratic state. Regardless of Zumas foibles, the persistent battle of ideas in South Africa underscores the central role of African intellectuals in defining the African Progressive Movement whose task is to defeat the forces of neo-colonialism, continue to fight against the rampart poverty afflicting the masses and corrupt self-enrichment of the professional political class. This also includes fighting against the democratic South Africa reverting to a predator state after the demise of white rule. Furthermore, by discussing political dynamics in Zimbabwe, the article supports the view that among other pressing matters, the African Progressive Movements task is to support South Africas constructive conflict prevention role in the African continent. Steering away from international diplomacy and geopolitics, the article also discusses internal dynamics afflicting the ANC and its alliance partners by using GEAR as a case study. The resulting fractious debates have led to a situation wherein the ANC is treated as an organisation which has no right to be its sovereign self. Taking sectarian positions towards the ANC, antagonists view the ruling party as a candidate for capture by fortuitously positioned factions. Finally, the article showcases the ruling partys report presented by Thabo Mbeki at Polokwane. The report calls for organisational renewal and belabours the point that the fractured ANC, as a liberation movement which has attained political power in South Africa, needs to clear away the cobwebs of the present incumbency which has been veering off course because of high levels of corruption and the allurements of power.