Silke Hamann

Retroflex fricatives in Slavic languages

The present study explores the phonetic and phonological grounds on which postalveolar fricatives in Polish can be analysed as retroflex, and considers whether postalveolar fricatives in other Slavic languages are retroflex as well. Velarization and incompatibility with front vowels are introduced as articulatory criteria for retroflexion, based on cross-linguistic data. According to these criteria, Polish and Russian have retroflex fricatives (i.e., /[small s with hook]/ and /[small z with retroflex hook]/), whereas Bulgarian has a laminal palatoalveolar fricative ((/[small Esh]/). In addition, it is illustrated that palatalization of retroflex fricatives in Slavic languages (and in general) causes a phonetic and phonological change to a non-retroflex fricative.

Category and perceptual interference in second-language phoneme learning: an examination of English /w/-/v/ learning by Sinhala, German, and Dutch speakers.

The present study investigated the perception and production of English /w/ and /v/ by native speakers of Sinhala, German, and Dutch, with the aim of examining how their native language phonetic processing affected the acquisition of these phonemes. Subjects performed a battery of tests that assessed their identification accuracy for natural recordings, their degree of spoken accent, their relative use of place and manner cues, the assimilation of these phonemes into native-language categories, and their perceptual maps (i.e., multidimensional scaling solutions) for these phonemes. Most Sinhala speakers had near-chance identification accuracy, Germans ranged from chance to 100% correct, and Dutch speakers had uniformly high accuracy. The results suggest that these learning differences were caused more by perceptual interference than by category assimilation; Sinhala and German speakers both have a single native-language phoneme that is similar to English /w/ and /v/, but the auditory sensitivities of Sinhala speakers make it harder for them to discern the acoustic cues that are critical to /w/-/v/ categorization.

The phonetic motivation for phonological stop assibilation

This article examines the motivation for phonological stop assibilations, e.g. /t/ is realized as [ts], [s] or [t∫] before /i/, from the phonetic perspective. Hall & Hamann (2006) posit the following two implications: (a) Assibilation cannot be triggered by /i/ unless it is also triggered by by /j/, and (b) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. In the following study we present the results of two acoustic experiments with native speakers of German and Polish which support implications (a) and (b). In our experiments we measured the friction phase after the /t d/ release before the onset of the following high front vocoid for four speakers of German and Polish. We found that the friction phase of /tj/ was significantly longer than that of /ti/, and that the friction phase of /t/ in the assibilation context is significantly longer than that of /d/. Furthermore, we unexpectedly found that the friction phase of /tj/ is significantly longer than that of /di/. An additional finding not related to the topic of the present study was that the Polish voiceless stops of the four speakers tested showed aspiration, in contrast to phonetic descriptions of these sounds as unaspirated.

Towards a typology of stop assibilation

Abstract In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in over 30 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception that penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faithfulness constraint that militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faithfulness constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types that are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.

Revising the diagnosis of congenital amusia with the Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia

This article presents a critical survey of the prevalent usage of the Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia (MBEA; Peretz et al., 2003) to assess congenital amusia, a neuro-developmental disorder that has been claimed to be present in 4% of the population (Kalmus and Fry, 1980). It reviews and discusses the current usage of the MBEA in relation to cut-off scores, number of used subtests, manner of testing, and employed statistics, as these vary in the literature. Furthermore, data are presented from a large-scale experiment with 228 German undergraduate students who were assessed with the MBEA and a comprehensive questionnaire. This experiment tested the difference between scores that were obtained in a web-based study (at participants’ homes) and those obtained under laboratory conditions with a computerized version of the MBEA. In addition to traditional statistical procedures, the data were evaluated using Signal Detection Theory (SDT; Green and Swets, 1966), taking into consideration the individual’s ability to discriminate and their response bias. Results show that using SDT for scoring instead of proportion correct offers a bias-free and normally distributed measure of discrimination ability. It is also demonstrated that a diagnosis based on an average score leads to cases of misdiagnosis. The prevalence of congenital amusia is shown to depend highly on the statistical criterion that is applied as cut-off score and on the number of subtests that is considered for the diagnosis. In addition, three different subtypes of amusics were found in our sample. Lastly, significant differences between the web-based and the laboratory group were found, giving rise to questions about the validity of web-based experimentation.

Retroflexion of Voiced Stops: Data from Dhao, Thulung, Afar and German.

The present article illustrates that the specific articulatory requirements for voiced alveolar or dental stops can cause tongue tip retraction and tongue mid lowering and thus retroflexion of voiced front coronals. This retroflexion is shown to have occurred diachronically in the three typologically unrelated languages Dhao (Malayo-Polynesian), Thulung (Sino-Tibetan), and Afar (East Cushitic). In addition to the diachronic cases, we provide synchronic data for retroflexion from an articulatory study with four speakers of German, a language usually described as having alveolar stops. With these combined data we supply evidence that voiced retroflex stops (as the only retroflex segments in a language) could have emerged from dental or alveolar voiced stops because the voiced front coronal plosive /d/ is generally articulated in a way that favors retroflexion, that is, with a smaller and more retracted place of articulation and a lower tongue and jaw position than /t/. The present proposal thereby supplements the observation made by Haudricourt (1950), Greenberg (1970), Bhat (1973), and Ohala (1983) that retroflex voiced stops can emerge from voiced coronal implosives for articulatory and aerodynamic reasons.

Norwegian Retroflexion − Licensing by Cue or Prosody?

This article deals with the class of retroflex segments in Norwegian. The question is handled whether the phonotactic restrictions on retroflexes to occur mainly only in coda position cannot be better described in terms of the availability of the retroflex cues in post-vocalic position instead of refering to their syllable-position. The latter approach, the so-called prosodic licensing (Lombardi 1995), is shown to be insufficient in cases of retroflexion across word-boundaries, where retroflexes appear in onset-position. The so-called lincensing by cue-approach (Steriade 1995), on the other hand, is shown to be able to cover all the instances of retroflex occurrences: retroflexes in Norwegian occur only when a vowel precedes, which enhances their strong transitional cues from vowel to retroflex. In addition to this, licensing by cue can account for the progressive assimilation of retroflexion also found in Norwegian.

F2 slope as a Perceptual Cue for the Front–Back Contrast in Standard Southern British English

Acoustic studies of several languages indicate that second-formant (F2) slopes in high vowels have opposing directions (independent of consonantal context): front [iː]-like vowels are produced with a rising F2 slope, whereas back [uː]-like vowels are produced with a falling F2 slope. The present study first reports acoustic measurements that confirm this pattern for the English variety of Standard Southern British English (SSBE), where /uː/ has shifted from the back to the front area of the vowel space and is now realized with higher midpoint F2 values than several decades ago. Subsequently, we test whether the direction of F2 slope also serves as a reliable cue to the /iː/-/uː/ contrast in perception. The findings show that F2 slope direction is used as a cue (additional to midpoint formant values) to distinguish /iː/ from /uː/ by both young and older Standard Southern British English listeners: an otherwise ambiguous token is identified as /iː/ if it has a rising F2 slope and as /uː/ if it has a falling F2 slope. Furthermore, our results indicate that listeners generalize their reliance on F2 slope to other contrasts, namely /ɛ/-/ɒ/ and /æ/-/ɒ/, even though F2 slope is not employed to differentiate these vowels in production. This suggests that in Standard Southern British English, a rising F2 seems to be perceptually associated with an abstract feature such as [+front], whereas a falling F2 with an abstract feature such as [-front].

*NT revisited again: An approach to postnasal laryngeal alternations with perceptual Cue constraints

Phonological alternations in homorganic nasal-stop sequences provide a continuing topic of investigation for phonologists and phoneticians alike. Surveys like Herbert (1986), Rosenthal (1989), Steriade (1993) and Hyman (2001) demonstrate that cross-linguistically the most common process is for the postnasal stop to become voiced, as captured by Pater’s (1999) markedness constraint *NT. However, as observed since Hyman (2001), *NT alone does not account for all postnasal patterns of laryngeal alternation. In this paper, we focus on three problematic patterns. First, in some languages with a two-way laryngeal contrast, voiceless stops are aspirated postnasally, i.e. the contrast between NT and ND is enhanced, not neutralized. Second, in some languages with a three-way laryngeal contrast, the voicing contrast is maintained postnasally, while the aspiration contrast neutralizes in favour of aspiration. Third, in other languages with a three-way laryngeal contrast we find the opposite postnasal aspiration neutralization: aspiration is lost. We argue that an analysis based on perceptual cues provides the best account for this range of alternations. It demonstrates the crucial role of perceptual cues and laryngeal contrasts in a particular language while fitting the range of patterns into an Optimality Theoretic factorial typology that covers a wider range of postnasal laryngeal alternations than previous analyses.

The nature and nurture of congenital amusia: A twin case study

In this article, we report the first documented case of congenital amusia in dizygotic twins. The female twin pair was 27 years old at the time of testing, with normal hearing and above average intelligence. Both had formal music lesson from the age of 8–12 and were exposed to music in their childhood. Using the Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia (Peretz et al., 2003), one twin was diagnosed as amusic, with a pitch perception as well as a rhythm perception deficit, while the other twin had normal pitch and rhythm perception. We conducted a large battery of tests assessing the performance of the twins in music, pitch perception and memory, language perception and spatial processing. Both showed an identical albeit low pitch memory span of 3.5 tones and an impaired performance on a beat alignment task, yet the non-amusic twin outperformed the amusic twin in three other musical and all language related tasks. The twins also differed significantly in their performance on one of two spatial tasks (visualization), with the non-amusic twin outperforming the amusic twin (83% vs. 20% correct). The performance of the twins is also compared to normative samples of normal and amusic participants from other studies. This twin case study highlights that congenital amusia is not due to insufficient exposure to music in childhood: The exposure to music of the twin pair was as comparable as it can be for two individuals. This study also indicates that there is an association between amusia and a spatial processing deficit (see Douglas and Bilkey, 2007; contra Tillmann et al., 2010; Williamson et al., 2011) and that more research is needed in this area.