Siu-Yau Lee

Utilization of family-friendly policies in Hong Kong

Abstract Employees in Hong Kong, like those in many other industrialized societies, face the competing demands of work and family. Long working hours and the associated problem of work–family conflict is a serious problem for the workforce. Although a number of family-friendly policies, such as the five-day working week, paternal leave and so on, have been introduced, they are not necessarily used to their fullest extent. This paper examines the utilization of family-friendly incentives using a telephone survey of 661 employees in Hong Kong with access to such measures. Its major strength is the use of a well-established model of health care utilization, the Andersen model, to conceptualize the factors associated with the uptake of family-friendly policies. The results indicate that the Andersen model works very well in this context, and further demonstrate that access to family-friendly policies in Hong Kong is not equitable. The study makes a number of significant contributions to the literature on work–life balance and the uptake of supportive measures, and shows that enabling (such as perceived effectiveness) rather than need factors explain most of the variance in such use.

Welcoming Immigrants with Similar Occupational Interests: Experimental Survey Evidence from Hong Kong

Recent studies in America and Europe suggest that individual economic self-interest plays little role in explaining individual attitudes towards immigrants. A key piece of evidence for this proposition is that natives do not show particular hostility towards immigrants whose skill levels are similar to their own. We conducted an experimental survey of Hong Kong residents to examine their attitudes towards immigrants from Mainland China. We found that positive attitudes towards low-skilled immigrants were more prevalent among local labourers – whose job security would presumably be under greater threat from them – than among executives and professionals. Similarly, the premium attached to highly skilled immigrants increases significantly with locals’ occupational prestige, suggesting that immigrants are more likely to find support among natives who share similar occupational interests. Our results remain robust even after controlling for a range of potential explanatory variables. We conclude with a critical discussion of the use of skill levels to estimate the occupational interests of natives and assess the value of relying on the conventional labour market competition model to generate hypotheses about the role of economic self-interest in shaping immigration preferences.

Exclusionary attitudes toward the allocation of welfare benefits to Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong

Studies on migration often assume that members of the same ethnic category are less likely to develop exclusionary attitudes toward each other. In order to explain why many Hong Kong people exhibit exclusionary attitudes toward granting social rights to Chinese immigrants who share the same ethnic ancestry with them, we conducted a phone survey to examine four important factors: (1) economic threat; (2) social threat; (3) negative stereotypes; and (4) contact with immigrants. We find that the economic threat—either at the societal or individual level—perceived by respondents does not explain their exclusionary attitudes. The results are consistent with alternative explanations emphasizing cultural and non-economic concerns commonly associated with ethnocentrism.

Defining Correctness The Tale of the Contemporary Chinese Dictionary

Chinese dictionaries have long been an important tool for promoting the political agenda of the state. Not much has changed in the twenty-first century. A conventional assumption is that dictionary compilation has been controlled by the state. An examination of the history of the Contemporary Chinese Dictionary 现代汉语词典 suggests that such a claim is exaggerated. While the state was indeed actively involved in the compilation of the dictionary before the 1980s, the presumed propagandistic content of the dictionary in the twenty-first century has been more a result of the profit-seeking behavior of its publisher, the Commercial Press 商务印书馆, than direct state control. In order to defend the market share of its product, the Commercial Press needs to struggle with rival publishers to present to the public a close affinity with the state, which has the authority to define linguistic correctness. Consequently, the Contemporary Chinese Dictionary has been revised in accordance with the changing political agenda of the state and thus continues to support its nation-building project. This finding revises the conventional wisdom on several scores, particularly by deepening the analysis of language politics and reaffirming its importance in contemporary China.

Homeownership and Political Legitimacy: A Case Study of Hong Kong and Singapore

Widespread homeownership has traditionally been considered a favourable factor for the stability of democracies in Europe and America. Analysis of variance in perceived legitimacy between Singapore and Hong Kong suggests that the stabilising effect of widespread homeownership does not only apply to democracies, but also to authoritarian regimes. This article proposes that a regime, be it democratic or not, tends to enjoy a higher level of legitimacy when homeownership is more popular, ceteris paribus. Our finding sheds light on the conventional wisdom on several scores, particularly by extending the analysis of the political impacts of homeownership to Asian countries, and reaffirming its importance in maintaining political stability.

Explaining attitudes toward immigrants from Mainland China in Hong Kong

The tension between immigrants from Mainland China and Hong Kong locals has intensified in recent years. Using an original telephone survey that interviewed a representative sample of the Hong Kong population, this article evaluates three major explanations—economic self-interest, sociotropic concerns and psychological dispositions—for anti-immigrant sentiments. The findings suggest that negative attitudes toward immigrants are significantly related to sociotropic concerns. More importantly, such concerns are more prevalent among respondents who have a strong “Hong Konger” identity. Overall, this article presents new evidence for evaluating the relative influence of different factors in the formation of immigration attitudes in the Greater China region.