Stephen Politzer-Ahles

Distinct neural correlates for pragmatic and semantic meaning processing: an event-related potential investigation of scalar implicature processing using picture-sentence verification.

The present study examines the brain-level representation and composition of meaning in scalar quantifiers (e.g., some), which have both a semantic meaning (at least one) and a pragmatic meaning (not all). We adopted a picture-sentence verification design to examine event-related potential (ERP) effects of reading infelicitous quantifiers for which the semantic meaning was correct with respect to the context but the pragmatic meaning was not, compared to quantifiers for which the semantic meaning was inconsistent with the context and no additional pragmatic meaning is available. In the first experiment, only pragmatically inconsistent quantifiers, not semantically inconsistent quantifiers, elicited a sustained posterior negative component. This late negativity contrasts with the N400 effect typically elicited by nouns that are incongruent with their context, suggesting that the recognition of scalar implicature errors elicits a qualitatively different ERP signature than the recognition of lexico-semantic errors. We hypothesize that the sustained negativity reflects cancellation of the pragmatic inference and retrieval of the semantic meaning. In our second experiment, we found that the process of re-interpreting the quantifier was independent from lexico-semantic processing: the N400 elicited by lexico-semantic violations was not modulated by the presence of a pragmatic inconsistency. These findings suggest that inferential pragmatic aspects of meaning are processed using different mechanisms than lexical or combinatorial semantic aspects of meaning, that inferential pragmatic meaning can be realized rapidly, and that the computation of meaning involves continuous negotiation between different aspects of meaning.

Speakers of tonal and non-tonal Korean dialects use different cue weightings in the perception of the three-way laryngeal stop contrast.

The current study investigated the perception of the three-way distinction among Korean voiceless stops in non-tonal Seoul and tonal Kyungsang Korean. The question addressed is whether listeners from these two dialects differ in the way they perceive the three stops. Forty-two Korean listeners (21 each from Seoul and South Kyungsang) were tested in a perception experiment with stimuli in which VOT and F0 were systematically manipulated. Analyses of the perceptual identification functions show that VOT and F0 cues trade off each other for the perception of the three stops. However, the trading relationship differs between the two dialects. Logistic regression analyses confirmed the two dialects use the perceptual cues differently for the lenis and aspirated stops. While Seoul listeners rely primarily on F0 for making lenis responses and on VOT and F0 for aspirated responses, F0 plays a less important role in modulating both lenis and aspirated responses for Kyungsang than for Seoul listeners. It is proposed that different tonal systems between the two dialects and the ongoing diachronic sound change in the stops of Seoul Korean contribute to the inter-dialect difference in cue weighting for the three-way stop distinction. The results suggest that although the difference in phonology between the two dialects influences the phonetic realization, the phonetic trade-off among multiple cues allows each dialect to maintain the phonemic distinction in a unique way.

Is linguistic injustice a myth? A response to Hyland (2016)

a Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics, University of Oxford, Centre for Linguistics, Walton Street, Oxford, OX1 2HG, United Kingdom NYUAD Institute, New York University Abu Dhabi, P.O. Box 129188, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates Department of Korean Language and Literature, Korea University, 145 Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, South Korea Child Language Doctoral Program, University of Kansas, 1000 Sunnyside Avenue, 3031 Dole, Lawrence, KS 66045, United States Department of German Linguistics, University of Cologne, Albertus Magnus Platz, D-50923 Köln, Germany Department of Linguistics, Indiana University, 322 Memorial Hall, Bloomington, IN 47405, United States

The realization of scalar inferences: context sensitivity without processing cost.

Scalar inference is the phenomenon whereby the use of a less informative term (e.g., some of) is inferred to mean the negation of a more informative term (e.g., to mean not all of). Default processing accounts assume that the interpretation of some of as meaning not all of is realized easily and automatically (regardless of context), whereas context-driven processing accounts assume that it is realized effortfully and only in certain contexts. In the present study, participants’ self-paced reading times were recorded as they read vignettes in which the context did or did not bias the participants to make a scalar inference (to interpret some of as meaning not all of). The reading times suggested that the realization of the inference was influenced by the context, but did not provide evidence for processing cost at the time the inference is realized, contrary to the predictions of context-driven processing accounts. The results raise the question of why inferencing occurs only in certain contexts if it does not involve extra processing effort.

Asymmetries in the perception of Mandarin tones: Evidence from mismatch negativity.

Most investigations of the representation and processing of speech sounds focus on their segmental representations, and considerably less is known about the representation of suprasegmental phenomena (e.g., Mandarin tones). Here we examine the mismatch negativity (MMN) response to the contrast between Mandarin Tone 3 (T3) and other tones using a passive oddball paradigm. Because the MMN response has been shown to be sensitive to the featural contents of speech sounds in a way that is compatible with underspecification theories of phonological representations, here, we test the predictions of such theories regarding suprasegmental phenomena. Assuming T3 to be underspecified in Mandarin (because it has variable surface representations and low pitch), we predicted that an asymmetric MMN response would be elicited when T3 is contrasted with another tone. In 2 of our 3 experiments, this was observed, but in non-Mandarin-speaking participants as well as native speakers, suggesting that the locus of the effect was perceptual (acoustic or phonetic) rather than phonological. In a third experiment, the predicted asymmetry was limited to native speakers. These results highlight the importance of distinguishing phonological and perceptual contributions to MMN asymmetries, but also demonstrate a role of abstract phonological representations in which certain information is underspecified in long-term memory.

Large-scale replication study reveals a limit on probabilistic prediction in language comprehension

Do people routinely pre-activate the meaning and even the phonological form of upcoming words? The most acclaimed evidence for phonological prediction comes from a 2005 Nature Neuroscience publication by DeLong, Urbach and Kutas, who observed a graded modulation of electrical brain potentials (N400) to nouns and preceding articles by the probability that people use a word to continue the sentence fragment (‘cloze’). In our direct replication study spanning 9 laboratories (N=334), pre-registered replication-analyses and exploratory Bayes factor analyses successfully replicated the noun-results but, crucially, not the article-results. Pre-registered single-trial analyses also yielded a statistically significant effect for the nouns but not the articles. Exploratory Bayesian single-trial analyses showed that the article-effect may be non-zero but is likely far smaller than originally reported and too small to observe without very large sample sizes. Our results do not support the view that readers routinely pre-activate the phonological form of predictable words.

Laryngeal Features Are Phonetically Abstract: Mismatch Negativity Evidence from Arabic, English, and Russian

Many theories of phonology assume that the sound structure of language is made up of distinctive features, but there is considerable debate about how much articulatory detail distinctive features encode in long-term memory. Laryngeal features such as voicing provide a unique window into this question: while many languages have two-way contrasts that can be given a simple binary feature account [±VOICE], the precise articulatory details underlying these contrasts can vary significantly across languages. Here, we investigate a series of two-way voicing contrasts in English, Arabic, and Russian, three languages that implement their voicing contrasts very differently at the articulatory-phonetic level. In three event-related potential experiments contrasting English, Arabic, and Russian fricatives along with Russian stops, we observe a consistent pattern of asymmetric mismatch negativity (MMN) effects that is compatible with an articulatorily abstract and cross-linguistically uniform way of marking two-way voicing contrasts, as opposed to an articulatorily precise and cross-linguistically diverse way of encoding them. Regardless of whether a language is theorized to encode [VOICE] over [SPREAD GLOTTIS], the data is consistent with a universal marking of the [SPREAD GLOTTIS] feature.

Dissociating morphological and form priming with novel complex word primes: Evidence from masked priming, overt priming, and event-related potentials

Recent research suggests that visually-presented words are initially morphologically segmented whenever the letter-string can be exhaustively assigned to existing morphological representations, but not when an exhaustive parse is unavailable; e.g., priming is observed for both hunter→HUNT and brother →BROTH, but not for brothel→BROTH. Few studies have investigated whether this pattern extends to novel complex words, and the results to date (all from novel suffixed words) are mixed. In the current study, we examine whether novel compounds (drugrack→RACK) yield morphological priming which is dissociable from that in novel pseudoembedded words (slegrack→RACK). Using masked priming, we find significant and comparable priming in reaction times for word-final elements of both novel compounds and novel pseudoembedded words. Using overt priming, however, we find greater priming effects (in both reaction times and N400 amplitudes) for novel compounds compared to novel pseudoembedded words. These results are consistent with models assuming across-the-board activation of putative constituents, while also suggesting that morpheme activation may persevere despite the lack of an exhaustive morpheme-based parse when an exhaustive monomorphemic analysis is also unavailable. These findings highlight the critical role of the lexical status of the pseudoembedded prime in dissociating morphological and orthographic priming.

Dissociable effects of prediction and integration during language comprehension: Evidence from a large-scale study using brain potentials

Composing sentence meaning is easier for predictable words than for unpredictable words. Are predictable words genuinely predicted, or simply more plausible and therefore easier to integrate with sentence context? We addressed this persistent and fundamental question using data from a recent, large-scale (N = 334) replication study, by investigating the effects of word predictability and sentence plausibility on the N400, the brain’s electrophysiological index of semantic processing. A spatiotemporally fine-grained mixed-effects multiple regression analysis revealed overlapping effects of predictability and plausibility on the N400, albeit with distinct spatiotemporal profiles. Our results challenge the view that semantic facilitation of predictable words reflects the effects of either prediction or integration, and suggest that facilitation arises from a cascade of processes that activate and integrate word meaning with context into a sentence-level meaning.

Phonation type contrasts and vowel quality in Marathi

Phonation-type contrasts in consonants and vowels are typically associated with a number of acoustic differences. Phonemic breathy phonation, for instance, is fairly consistently associated with lower Cepstral Peak Prominence values than modal sounds, and with higher values for spectral measures such as H1-H2 and H1-A3. The effect of breathy phonation on vowel quality, however, is less consistent: lower first formant (F1) values have been found for breathy vowels in some languages, while others do not show consistent F1 differences based on phonation type. Furthermore, at present little work has investigated the effect of breathy voiced consonants on formant values in subsequent vowels. The current study presents data from Marathi, an Indic language with phonemically breathy-voiced obstruents and sonorants. Ten native speakers (five males and five females) produced real words that included the vowels [a] and [e] after both modal and breathy consonants. The effect of consonant phonation type on F1 and F2 v...