Tama Leventhal

The neighborhoods they live in: the effects of neighborhood residence on child and adolescent outcomes.

This article provides a comprehensive review of research on the effects of neighborhood residence on child and adolescent well-being. The first section reviews key methodological issues. The following section considers links between neighborhood characteristics and child outcomes and suggests the importance of high socioeconomic status (SES) for achievement and low SES and residential instability for behavioral/emotional outcomes. The third section identifies 3 pathways (institutional resources, relationships, and norms/collective efficacy) through which neighborhoods might influence development, and which represent an extension of models identified by C. Jencks and S. Mayer (1990) and R. J. Sampson (1992). The models provide a theoretical base for studying neighborhood mechanisms and specify different levels (individual, family, school, peer, community) at which processes may operate. Implications for an emerging developmental framework for research on neighborhoods are discussed.

Children and Youth in Neighborhood Contexts

Neighborhoods are increasingly studied as a context where children and youth develop; however, the extent of neighborhoods impact remains debatable because it is difficult to disentangle this impact from that of the family context, in part because families have some choice as to where they live. Evidence from randomized experiments, studies using advanced statistical models, and longitudinal studies that control for family characteristics indicates that neighborhoods do matter. In nonexperimental studies, small to moderate associations were found, suggesting that children and adolescents living in high-income neighborhoods had higher cognitive ability and school achievement than those living in middle-income neighborhoods, and children and adolescents living in low-income neighborhoods had more mental and physical health problems than those living in middle-income neighborhoods. The home environment has been shown to be partly responsible for the link between neighborhood and childrens development. For adolescents, neighborhood effects are partially accounted for by community social control. Experimental studies in which families were randomly assigned to move to low-poverty neighborhoods from housing projects found larger neighborhood effects than nonexperi-mental research, particularly for boys outcomes. Additional issues reviewed are relevant neighborhood characteristics, theoretical models explaining the pathways underlying neighborhood effects, methods for research assessing neighborhood processes, and policy implications.

Adolescent Transitions to Young Adulthood: Antecedents, Correlates, and Consequences of Adolescent Employment.

The antecedents, correlates, and consequences of adolescent employment were investigated in a sample of 251 low-income, African American youth that were followed since birth. The youth (age: M at preschool = 4.89, SD= .70; M at adolescence = 16.44, SD= .66; M at transition to adulthood = 19.36, SD= .76; and M at early adulthood = 27.67, SD= .75) were the firstborn children of African American teenage mothers who gave birth in Baltimore in the 1960s. Analyses examined the antecedents and correlates of age of entry into employment and stability of employment during adolescence. The associations of adolescent work experiences with subsequent adult education and employment outcomes also were considered. Findings indicate that among this sample of low-income, African American youth, those who repeated a grade in school during middle childhood were more likely to enter the workforce at later ages than their peers who did not repeat a grade. The small subset of adolescents who never worked (n= 12) appear to be markedly more disadvantaged than their peers who worked. At the transition to adulthood, adolescents who entered the workforce earlier were more likely to complete high school than their peers. In addition, stable employment during the adolescent years had more beneficial effects on young mens chances of attending college than young womens postsecondary education. This pattern of findings is consistent with ethnographic accounts of adolescent employment among poor, minority, urban youth.

Depending on the Kindness of Strangers: Current National Data Initiatives and Developmental Research

This article provides a brief review of current large-scale, longitudinal data collection initiatives focusing on children. These studies will be available for secondary data analyses in the twenty-first century. In addition to child outcome data, process-oriented information is being collected on child-parent interactions, quality of child care, elementary school teacher reports and classroom observations, accessibility and use of health, educational and social services, parental mental health, family violence, fathering, parental residence patterns, income and income sources, child support, employment patterns, and community characteristics. Several of these studies are randomized trials of the efficacy of early childhood intervention services and housing mobility programs. The usefulness of these efforts for exploring policy-relevant issues (child support enforcement, work requirements for welfare recipients, antipoverty strategies, housing subsidies and relocation, availability of child care, child-care subsidies) are discussed.

Patterns of service use in preschool children : Correlates, consequences, and the role of early intervention

This article explores service use broadly by examining the mix of educational, health, and psychosocial services that preschool children received in the fifth year of life. The sample included 869 children who participated in the Infant Health and Development Program, an early intervention program designed to evaluate the efficacy of a comprehensive early intervention for low-birth-weight, premature infants during the first 3 years of life and who were followed until age 5. Cluster analyses of services at age 5 yielded 4 service groups--basic health only (doctor visits; n = 114); basic health and educational services (doctor visits and school/preschool; n = 444); basic health, educational, and psychosocial services (or multiple services; doctor visits, school/preschool, and psychosocial services; n = 129); and specialized health and educational services (doctor visits, school/preschool, emergency room visits and special medical visits [ear and/or eye examinations]; n = 182). Results suggest that neonatal health conditions, maternal education at the time of the childs birth, child developmental status at age 3, and maternal health, family income, and insurance status at age 5 were associated with patterns of services at age 5. Patterns of use are consistent over time (the first 3 years of life to the 5th year of life). After covarying the correlates of the service patterns, participation in the early intervention was not associated with patterns of services at age 5, and service patterns were associated with child well-being (health, school readiness, mental health), but results differed by intervention status. Findings are discussed in terms of preventive, responsive, and deficit models of service use.

Poverty and Child Development

Living at or below a poverty threshold signifies that a family lacks basic financial resources, and thus children may lack access to necessary resources including food, shelter, and health care. Large international discrepancies are seen in child poverty rates; however, these rates depend upon the type of measure used, demographic differences across countries, and government policies. A growing body of research indicates that poverty has negative short-term and long-term influences on childrens physical, cognitive, and emotional development. The timing, depth, and duration of poverty are also important; deep and persistent poverty during early childhood are especially detrimental to child well-being. Researchers are beginning to explore the potential pathways through which poverty transmits its deleterious effects to childrens development including the home environment, child care and schools, parenting behavior, parental mental health, neighborhoods, health care, and exposure to violence. There is increasing evidence that the home environment and parental behavior are the primary mechanisms of influence. Public policy can target family resources directly or the mechanisms through which poverty operates on child health and well-being. Policies that coordinate the needs of both children and their parents are likely to be more efficacious than those that focus solely on one or the other.