Tamara A. Rahhal

Things learned in early adulthood are remembered best.

Evidence is reviewed that for older adults the period from 10 to 30 years of age produces recall of the most autobiographical memories, the most vivid memories, and the most important memories. It is the period from which peoples’ favorite films, music, and books come and the period from which they judge the most important world events to have originated. Factual, semantic, general-knowledge, multiple-choice questions about the Academy Awards, the World Series, and current events from this period were answered more accurately by two different groups of 30 older adults tested 10 years apart. A cognitive theory based on the importance of transitions and several noncognitive theories are considered as explanations of this pervasive phenomenon.

Instructional manipulations and age differences in memory: now you see them, now you don't.

The instructions for most explicit memory tests use language that emphasizes the memorial component of the task. This language may put older adults at a disadvantage relative to younger adults because older adults believe that their memories have deteriorated. Consequently, typical explicit memory tests may overestimate age-related decline in cognitive performance. In 2 experiments, older and younger adults performed a memory test on newly learned trivia. In both experiments, age differences were obtained when the instructions emphasized the memory component of the task (memory emphasis) but not when the instructions did not emphasize memory (memory neutral). These findings suggest that aspects of the testing situation. such as experimental instructions, may exaggerate age differences in memory performance and need to be considered when designing studies investigating age differences in memory.

Timing, instructions, and inhibitory control: some missing factors in the age and memory debate.

In response to Luszcz and Bryan, we point to three omitted factors that have been found to influence the presence and size of age differences in memory tasks and that, as such, have important implications for resolving theoretical questions about aging and memory. These include: (1) age differences in circadian rhythms and testing time effects that are associated with such differences; (2) instructions that may have a particularly disruptive effect on older adults, and (3) inhibitory control differences that have an age-related impact on both estimates of working memory span and on performance in multitask studies.

Distractibility, circadian arousal, and aging: A boundary condition?

Two studies assessed the presence of a synchrony effect between peak circadian arousal and time of testing for both older and younger adults. Participants performed a reading aloud task that included distracting words that were either present or absent and, if present, were either thematically related or unrelated to the target text. As well, the distracting material was presented in either spatially predictable or unpredictable locations. In each experiment, older and younger adults were tested at optimal versus nonoptimal times. Both experiments showed age differences in susceptibility to distraction, replicating earlier findings (e.g., M. C. Carlson, L. Hasher, R. T. Zacks, & S. L. Connelly, 1995). Neither showed differences due to time of testing, suggesting a boundary condition for cognitive disruptions associated with circadian arousal patterns.

Cross-Cultural Differences in Memory: The Role of Culture-Based Stereotypes About Aging

The extent to which cultural stereotypes about aging contribute to age differences in memory performance is investigated by comparing younger and older Anglophone Canadians to demographically matched Chinese Canadians, who tend to hold more positive views of aging. Four memory tests were administered. In contrast to B. Levy and E. Langers (1994) findings, younger adults in both cultural groups outperformed their older comparison group on all memory tests. For 2 tests, which made use of visual stimuli resembling ideographic characters in written Chinese, the older Chinese Canadians approached, but did not reach, the performance achieved by their younger counterparts, as well as outperformed the older Anglophone Canadians. However, on the other two tests, which assess memory for complex figures and abstract designs, no differences were observed between the older Chinese and Anglophone Canadians. Path analysis results suggest that this pattern of findings is not easily attributed to a wholly culturally based account of age differences in memory performance.

A Study of Gender Differences in Autobiographical Memory: Broken Down by Age and Sex

Data from 40 older adults who produced autobiographical memories to word cues and to the request to list five important memories, and data from 60 older adults who answered factual multiple-choice questions for events spread across their lives, were analyzed for gender differences. In spite of considerable statistical power, there were no gender differences in the distribution of autobiographical memories over the lifespan, in the distribution of important memories, in various ratings provided to these memories, or in the distribution of knowledge for events. The only gender difference found was that men performed better on factual questions about current events and baseball. Thus, counter to what might be expected from Darwinian theory and some behavioral data, gender differences were minimal.

The specificity and organisation of autobiographical memories

Previous research suggests that autobiographical memories are over-general and are organised according to life periods. One experiment assessed the specificity and organisation of autobiographical memory by manipulating two variables. The retrieval cues were either a set of three words (a theme, a time period, and an emotional valence) or a short narrative that included a specific theme, time period, and emotional valence. The instructions either encouraged the participants to respond as though they were conversing with a friend (social instructions) or did not specify a target audience (standard instructions). Narrative cues and standard instructions elicited more specific responses than word cues and social instructions, respectively. Whereas word cues elicited memories that were most likely to match the cues in terms of time period, narrative cues elicited memories that were most likely to match the cues in terms of theme. These data suggest that previous research underestimated the specificity of the autobiographical knowledge base and overestimated the importance of temporally defined life periods for organising autobiographical memory. Previous conclusions regarding the specificity and organisation of autobiographical memory may reflect the structure of autobiographical narratives and the methodologies used to collect such narratives rather than the content of autobiographical memory itself.