Tamara Y. Swaab

The brain circuitry of syntactic comprehension.

Syntactic comprehension is a fundamental aspect of human language, and has distinct properties from other aspects of language (e.g. semantics). In this article, we aim to identify if there is a specific locus of syntax in the brain by reviewing imaging studies on syntactic processing. We conclude that results from neuroimaging support evidence from neuropsychology that syntactic processing does not recruit one specific area. Instead a network of areas including Brocas area and anterior, middle and superior areas of the temporal lobes is involved. However, none of these areas appears to be syntax specific.

Repair, Revision, and Complexity in Syntactic Analysis: An Electrophysiological Differentiation

One of the core aspects of human sentence processing is the ability to detect errors and to recover from erroneous analysis through revision of ambiguous sentences and repair of ungrammatical sentences. In the present study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to help identify the nature of these processes by directly comparing ERPs to complex ambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations, and to simpler unambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations. In ambiguous sentences, preference of syntactic analysis was manipulated such that in one condition, the structures agreed with the preferred analysis, and in another condition, a nonpreferred but syntactically correct analysis (garden path) was imposed. Nonpreferred ambiguous structures require revision, whereas ungrammatical structures require repair. We found that distinct ERPs reflected different characteristics of syntactic processing. Specifically, our results are consistent with the idea that a positivity with a posterior distribution across the scalp (posterior P600) is an index of syntactic processing difficulty, including repair and revision, and that a frontally distributed positivity (frontal P600) is related to ambiguity resolution and/ or to an increase in discourse level complexity.

Understanding ambiguous words in sentence contexts: electrophysiological evidence for delayed contextual selection in Broca's aphasia.

This study investigates whether spoken sentence comprehension deficits in Brocas aphasics results from their inability to access the subordinate meaning of ambiguous words (e.g. bank), or alternatively, from a delay in their selection of the contextually appropriate meaning. Twelve Brocas aphasics and twelve elderly controls were presented with lexical ambiguities in three context conditions, each followed by the same target words. In the concordant condition, the sentence context biased the meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous word that was related to the target. In the discordant condition, the sentence context biased the meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous word that was incompatible with the target. In the unrelated condition, the sentence-final word was unambiguous and unrelated to the target. The task of the subjects was to listen attentively to the stimuli. The activational status of the ambiguous sentence-final words was inferred from the amplitude of the N400 to the targets at two inter-stimulus intervals (ISIs) (100 ms and 1250 ms). At the short ISI, the Brocas aphasics showed clear evidence of activation of the subordinate meaning. In contrast to elderly controls, however, the Brocas aphasics were not successful at selecting the appropriate meaning of the ambiguity in the short ISI version of the experiment. But at the long ISI, in accordance with the performance of the elderly controls, the patients were able to successfully complete the contextual selection process. These results indicate that Brocas aphasics are delayed in the process of contextual selection. It is argued that this finding of delayed selection is compatible with the idea that comprehension deficits in Brocas aphasia result from a delay in the process of integrating lexical information.

Separable effects of priming and imageability on word processing: an ERP study.

Concrete, highly imageable words (e.g. banana) are easier to understand than abstract words for which it is difficult to generate an image (e.g. justice). This effect of concreteness or imageability has been taken by some as evidence for the existence of separable verbal- and image-based semantic systems. Instead, however, effects of concreteness may result from better associations to relevant contextual representations for concrete than for abstract words within a single semantic system. In this study, target words of high and low imageability were preceded by supportive (related) or non-supportive (unrelated) context words. The influence of contextual support on the imageability effect was measured by recording event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to the high and low imageable target words in both context conditions. The topographic distributions of the ERPs elicited by the high versus low imageable target words were found to be different, and this effect was independent of contextual support. These data are consistent with the idea that distinct verbal- and image-based semantic codes exist for word representations, and that as a result, concrete words that are highly imageable can be understood more easily.

Syntactic Priming in Comprehension Evidence From Event-Related Potentials

Syntactic priming is the facilitation of processing that occurs when a sentence has the same syntactic form as a preceding sentence. Such priming effects have been less consistently demonstrated in comprehension than in production, and those that have been reported have depended on the repetition of verbs across sentences. In an event-related potential experiment, subjects read target sentences containing reduced-relative clauses. Each was preceded by a sentence that contained the same verb and either a reduced-relative or a main-clause construction. Reduced-relative primes elicited a larger positivity than did main-clause primes. Reduced-relative targets that were preceded by a main-clause prime elicited a greater positivity than the same target sentences following a reduced-relative prime. In addition, syntactic priming effects were dissociated from effects of lexical repetition at the verb.

Electrophysiological Evidence for Reversed Lexical Repetition Effects in Language Processing

Effects of word repetition are extremely robust, but can these effects be modulated by discourse context? We examined this in an ERP experiment that tested coreferential processing (when two expressions refer to the same person) with repeated names. ERPs were measured to repeated names and pronoun controls in two conditions: (1) In the prominent condition the repeated name or pronoun coreferred with the subject of the preceding sentence and was therefore prominent in the preceding discourse (e.g., John went to the store after John/he ); (2) in the nonprominent condition the repeated name or pronoun coreferred with a name that was embedded in a conjoined noun phrase, and was therefore nonprominent (e.g., John and Mary went to the store after John/he ). Relative to the prominent condition, the nonprominent condition always contained two extra words (e.g., and Mary), and the repetition lag was therefore smaller in the prominent condition. Typically, effects of repetition are larger with smaller lags. Nevertheless, the amplitude of the N400 was reduced to a coreferentially repeated name when the antecedent was nonprominent as compared to when it was prominent. No such difference was observed for the pronoun controls. Because the N400 effect reflects difficulties in lexical integration, this shows that the difficulty of achieving coreference with a name increased with the prominence of the referent. This finding is the reverse of repetition lag effects on N400 previously found with word lists, and shows that language context can override general memory mechanisms.

Speech and span: Working memory capacity impacts the use of animacy but not of world knowledge during spoken sentence comprehension

We present results from a study demonstrating that high- and low-span listeners show qualitatively different brain responses when comprehending simple active sentences. Participants listened to naturally produced sentences in three conditions in which the plausibility of thematic relations was manipulated, for instance: The dog(1)/The poet(2)/The box(3) is biting the mailman. Event-related potentials were recorded to the first noun, the verb, and the second noun in all three conditions. In (2), the thematic relations between the words in the sentence are less expected given our world knowledge, and this resulted in an N400 effect of semantic processing difficulty to the second noun for both high- and low-span subjects. In (3), the inanimate first noun cannot be the agent of the verb. Only high-span subjects showed an effect of animacy on the sentence-initial nouns, evident from a larger anterior negative shift to inanimate than animate nouns. Furthermore, to the thematically violated verbs (3), low-span subjects showed an N400, whereas high-span subjects generated a P600. We suggest that this P600 effect to the thematically violated verb may be related to processing costs resulting from a conflict between the provisional thematic roles assigned as a function of the inanimate sentence-initial noun, and the actual (animate) agent required by the verb. We further argue that low-span subjects lag behind those with high span in their use of animacy, but not real-world knowledge in the on-line computation of thematic roles in spoken language comprehension.

Electrophysiological and Behavioral Evidence of Syntactic Priming in Sentence Comprehension.

Event-related potentials and eye tracking were used to investigate the nature of priming effects in sentence comprehension. Participants read 2 sentences (a prime sentence and a target sentence), both of which had a difficult and ambiguous sentence structure. The prime and target sentences contained either the same verb or verbs that were very close in meaning. Priming effects were robust when the verb was repeated. In the event-related potential experiment, the amplitude of the P600 was reduced in target sentences that followed prime sentences with the same verb but not in prime sentences with a synonymous verb. In the eye-tracking experiment, total reading times on the disambiguating region were reduced when the targets followed prime sentences with the same verb but not when targets followed prime sentences with a synonymous verb. The fact that verb overlap greatly boosted priming effects in reduced relative sentences may indicate that verb argument structures play an important role in online parsing.

Coreference and lexical repetition: mechanisms of discourse integration.

The use of repeated expressions to establish coreference allows an investigation of the relationship between basic processes of word recognition and higher level language processes that involve the integration of information into a discourse model. In two experiments on reading, we used eye tracking and event-related potentials to examine whether repeated expressions that are coreferential within a local discourse context show the kind of repetition priming that is shown in lists of words. In both experiments, the effects of lexical repetition were modulated by the effects of local discourse context that arose from manipulations of the linguistic prominence of the antecedent of a coreferentially repeated name. These results are interpreted within the context of discourse prominence theory, which suggests that processes of coreferential interpretation interact with basic mechanisms of memory integration during the construction of a model of discourse.

Effects of prediction and contextual support on lexical processing: prediction takes precedence.

Readers may use contextual information to anticipate and pre-activate specific lexical items during reading. However, prior studies have not clearly dissociated the effects of accurate lexical prediction from other forms of contextual facilitation such as plausibility or semantic priming. In this study, we measured electrophysiological responses to predicted and unpredicted target words in passages providing varying levels of contextual support. This method was used to isolate the neural effects of prediction from other potential contextual influences on lexical processing. While both prediction and discourse context influenced ERP amplitudes within the time range of the N400, the effects of prediction occurred much more rapidly, preceding contextual facilitation by approximately 100 ms. In addition, a frontal, post-N400 positivity (PNP) was modulated by both prediction accuracy and the overall plausibility of the preceding passage. These results suggest a unique temporal primacy for prediction in facilitating lexical access. They also suggest that the frontal PNP may index the costs of revising discourse representations following an incorrect lexical prediction.