Tatiana Luchkina

Canadian Raising in Chicagoland: The production and perception of a marginal contrast

Abstract In some North American English varieties the diphthong /aɪ/ has developed a distinctively higher nucleus before voiceless consonants and also before a flapped /t/. The phenomenon is known as Canadian Raising, as it was first described for Canadian English. We report on variation in the production and perception of this distinction in a group of female and male speakers from the Chicago area. We focus on the context before flapped /t/ and /d/. The production results show that there is a significant difference in the quality of both the nucleus and the offglide between these two contexts, albeit of a smaller magnitude than the difference observed before word-final voiceless and voiced consonants. In addition, we find a small difference in duration between diphthongs in the two pre-flap contexts. In perception, our subjects were only moderately successful in recognizing words in minimal pairs containing the target diphthong preceding a flap (as in writer vs rider), although with much higher than chance accuracy. A Quadratic Discriminant Analysis model classified the stimuli with substantially greater accuracy than our subjects. We conclude that in this English variety there is a contrast between a higher diphthong [ʌi] and a lower diphthong [aɪ], but this contrast is only marginal. This study contributes to our understanding of marginal contrasts in production and perception. The understanding of these contrasts has both theoretical and practical relevance.

Focus on Russian Scope: An Experimental Investigation of the Relationship between Quantifier Scope, Prosody, and Information Structure

An experimental investigation of quantifier scope in Russian SVO and OVS sentences, in which the factors of word order, prosody, information structure, and indefinite form are manipulated, shows that native Russian speakers have a preference for surface scope under neutral prosody, though this preference is more pronounced with odin ‘one’ indefinites than with dva ‘two’ indefinites. Furthermore, contrastive focus on the fronted object QP in OVS order is found to facilitate the inverse scope reading, but contrastive focus on the subject in SVO order is not. These findings have implications for the syntactic analysis of noncanonical word order in Russian (Bailyn 2011, Slioussar 2013) and support the link between contrastive focus and scope reconstruction in Russian (Ionin 2003, Neeleman and Titov 2009).