Teresa M. Cooney

The Role of Divorce in Men's Relations with Their Adult Children after Mid-life.

Studies of post-divorce parent-child relations have concentrated primarily on the short-term consequences of divorce for relations between young children and their fathers. In contrast this study examines the extended effects of divorce on mens relations with their adult offspring. Father-child relations with ever-divorce men aged 50- 79 are compared with those of never-divorced married men on the basis of data from the US National Survey of Families and Households. Logistic regression analyses reveal that divorce has a pronounced negative effect on the frequency of mens contacts with their adult offspring significantly reduces the likelihood that men have an adult child in their household and sharply reduces the probability that fathers consider their adult children as potential sources of support in times of need. Demographic and divorce-related factors that predict adult child-father relations among divorce men are also considered. (authors)

Intimate Relationships in Later Life: Current Realities, Future Prospects

This article reviews the relationship statuses that are common for older adults today. It addresses the prevalence of various statuses among the older adult population as well as their consequences for economic, social, psychological, and physical well-being and adjustment. In addition, consideration is given to how the prevalence and experience of various relationship statuses may change in the next few decades given such demographic changes as reduced mortality, increased education and employment for women, and reduced standardization of the life course. Throughout the article, differences for older men and women are highlighted.

Young Adults' Relations with Parents: The Influence of Recent Parental Divorce

The divorce rate in the United States declined in the 1980s after nearly 2 decades of unprecedented growth (National Center for Health Statistics, 1992). This was generally good news, although the level at which rates recently stabilized far exceeds those of the early 1960s. Somewhat overshadowed by these recent, welcomed developments, however, is the continued increase in divorce rates for older couples in long-term marriages. Over 20% of divorces today involve couples married over 15 years (National Center for Health Statistics, 1991). This trend demands new attention to the divorce experience of individuals and families who are older and further along in the family life cycle. Of major interest in the literature on younger divorcing couples and their families is the impact of marital disruption on parent-child relations. The issue is significant because parent-child relations are a central feature of family functioning, and are predictive of the immediate and long-term psychological and behavioral adjustment of children (see Amato & Keith, 1991; Hess & Camara, 1979), youth (Peterson & Zill, 1986), and adults (Amato & Booth, 1991; Umberson, 1992) from both intact and divorced families. Parent-child affective relations and contact also are mediating factors in the relatively low levels of support divorced parents provide their children once they reach adulthood (White, 1992). Because of the common practice of awarding sole physical custody of children to one parent, the typical divorce involving a young couple generally is characterized by marked changes in parent-child relations. Such is the case not only for noncustodial parents whose interaction with the child is often disrupted due to physical separation, but also for custodial parents who typically assume the daily responsibilities of childrearing on their own. While the patterns of association and affect that exist between children and divorced parents are well-documented in the literature, what is not clear is whether parent-child relations are similarly affected when parental divorce occurs to adult offspring who are not subject to custody decisions. This issue is the focus of the present study. BACKGROUND POSTDIVORCE CONTACT WITH PARENTS Childrens contact with their noncustodial parent is profoundly altered following divorce. Two studies of nationally representative samples of children under age 18 indicate that fewer than one-third of children of divorce have the stereotypical pattern of weekly visitation with their nonresident parent. Rather, a sizeable share--anywhere from 13% to 51% depending on the gender of the noncustodial parent and the particular study--have rare, if any, contact with the absent parent, especially when that parent is the father (Furstenberg, Peterson, Nord, & Zill, 1983; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988). Studies of smaller, more localized samples pose more optimistic findings regarding postdivorce intergenerational contact (Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1978; Maccoby & Mnookin, 1992; Wallerstein & Kelly, 1975). Yet, these studies generally focus on children experiencing fairly recent parental divorce, and thereby fail to capture the precipitous decline in interaction with the absent parent that typically occurs over the long term (Furstenberg et al., 1983; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988). For example, over the 3 years of Maccoby and Mnookins (1992) California study, the proportion of children not regularly seeing their absent fathers climbed from about 25% to 40%, whereas the same comparison for nonresident mothers actually showed a decline over this period. According to a recent meta-analysis of the divorce literature, reduced paternal contact is one of the most consistent and pronounced effects of divorce on children (Amato & Keith, 1991). Furthermore, data from a large, representative sample of adults also indicate that reduced paternal contact is one of the strongest protracted effects of parental divorce during childhood, especially for daughters, and regardless of which parent maintained custody of the children. …

Psychological well-being in mid to late life : The role of generativity development and parent-child relationships across the lifespan

This study examined the association between generativity and psychological well-being for a subsample of 1882 mid- to late-life parents using the MIDUS data set. Guided by Eriksons theory of psychosocial development, we tested a structural model of psychological well-being that also included direct and indirect effects (via generativity) of remembered pre-adult relationships with parents and current parental experiences with offspring on well-being. Respondents who recalled positive, trusting relationships with parents in childhood reported more positive parental experiences with their adult offspring and better psychological well-being. Current parental experiences had both indirect and direct effects on well-being too, but generativity had the strongest direct effects. Thus, it appears that the achievement of generativity plays a substantial role in well-being in mid- and late life. Findings also reveal that the impact of generativity on well-being is stronger for females than males. Implications for intervention with older adults, such as promoting volunteer work, are discussed.

Timing of Fatherhood: Is "On-Time" Optimal?

Paternal involvement with children has received increased attention, yet the factors that influence variation in involvement remain largely unidentified. This analysis of fathers from a nationally representative sample explores the relationship between timing of fatherhood and mens parenting behavior and parental affect. Multivariate analyses reveal no effects of timing on these outcomes when considered separately. Yet, differences are found on a multidimensional typology of paternal behavior and affect. Compared to on-time fathers, late fathers are more likely to be classified as highly involved with positive paternal affect. The results call into question the notion that on-time transitions are optimal. Explanation for the findings are framed in terms of competing role and the accumulation of psychological ressources.

Marriage in an Institutionalized Life Course: First Marriage among American Men in the Twentieth Century.

Life-course researchers have linked variations in age at first marriage to such period conditions as educational and employment opportunities and military service requirements and to intercohort variability in the availability of potential spouses. Little empirical evidence supports this claim. Also it remains unspecified whether period and cohort factors directly influence the probability of marriage or do so through their effects on individuals school work and military experiences. Using individual-level data for native white [U.S.] men born between 1907 and 1953 matched with statistics on period conditions and cohort characteristics we show that these macro-level factors have significant effects on the rate of first marriage. While a substantial portion of their impact is mediated through individuals life-course experiences there are persistent effects of institutional arrangements on timing of first marriage. (EXCERPT)

Remembered Parenting Styles and Adjustment in Middle and Late Adulthood

BACKGROUND Authoritative parenting is the parenting style often associated with positive outcomes for children and adolescents. This study considers whether remembered parenting styles in childhood predict multiple dimensions of functioning in adulthood. METHODS We used the 1995 National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States data set (N = 2,232) to assess the association between parenting behaviors remembered from childhood-classified as authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and uninvolved-and psychological well-being, depressive symptoms, and substance abuse, in a subsample of mid- and later-life adults. Differences in outcomes by sex, race, and childhood socioeconomic status were also examined across parenting styles. RESULTS Adults who remembered authoritative compared with authoritarian and uninvolved parents reported greater psychological well-being and fewer depressive symptoms, and those with uninvolved parents noted greater substance abuse. No outcome differences were found between remembered authoritative and indulgent parenting styles. A few sex and race interactions were identified: Authoritative parenting (compared with uninvolved) was more strongly associated with mens psychological well-being than womens, and authoritative parenting (compared with authoritarian) predicted reduced depressive symptoms for Whites more than non-Whites. CONCLUSIONS There is some support that remembered parenting styles continue to be related to functioning across the lifespan. There is also evidence of resiliency, flexibility, and malleability in human development.

Family-Building Patterns of Professional Women: A Comparison of Lawyers, Physicians, and Postsecondary Teachers.

Researchers analyzed 1980 data on 1120 postsecondary teachers 839 lawyers and 486 physicians to compare family building events of these 3 groups of 30-39 year old white professional women living in the US. 35-39 year old women were less likely to be currently married and were more likely to have no children than women in the general population ( 75% and 20-30% vs. 9%). More 35-39 year old physicians were currently married than lawyers (68.7% vs. 59.3%; p<.05). They also were less likely to be divorced than both lawyers and teachers (10.1% vs. 20.6% and 16.1% respectively; p<.05). Lawyers had the highest divorce and the lowest marriage rates. A higher percentage of physicians remarried than the other 2 groups (30-34 year olds=49.1% vs. 35.4% for lawyers and 44.6% for teachers; p<.05 for lawyers only; 34-39 year olds=51.4% vs. 46.5% and 49.7% respectively). 35-39 year old physicians were less likely to be childless (21.1% vs. 28.4% for lawyers and 31.4% for teachers; p<.05 for teachers only). They also had more children than the other professional groups (2.18 vs. 1.93 and 1.8 respectively; p<.05). Even though 35-39 year old physicians exhibited greater involvement in family life than the other 2 groups they worked considerably more hours/week than the other 2 groups (43.5 vs. 38.3 and 35.2 respectively; p<.05). Their husbands worked even more hours but the difference was not significant (47.9 vs. 46.3 and 45.2 respectively). A possible explanation for the differences may be wage differences. Women physicians made more money than the other groups. Lawyers and teachers were at greater risk of income loss following marriage and childbearing than physicians. Thus they were more likely to not marry remarry and have children. Other possible reasons which the researchers could not test were personality differences and structure of career paths. Further research is needed to explore these possibilities for the differences among the 3 professional groups of women.

Examining Rowe and Kahn’s Concept of Successful Aging: Importance of Taking a Life Course Perspective

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY This article critiques Rowe and Kahns conceptualization of successful aging using tenets of the life course perspective. DESIGN AND METHODS A review and synthesis of the literature on successful aging and studies that use a life course perspective. RESULTS We draw on life course principles that view development as a dynamic lifelong process, embedded in historical time and place, and influenced by the web of relationships individuals are linked to, as well as more distal social structural factors. This discussion questions the relatively static nature of Rowe and Kahns successful aging model, its emphasis on personal control over ones later-life outcomes, and neglect of historical and cultural context, social relationships, and structural forces in influencing later-life functioning. IMPLICATIONS Caution in using the model in its current formulation is needed, and we promote thinking about how successful aging can better align with micro- and macrolevel issues through utilization of a life course perspective.

Family Obligations and Support Behaviour: a United States – Netherlands comparison

ABSTRACT This study draws on national survey data from the United States of America (USA) and the Netherlands to compare family obligations and support behaviour for middle-generation adults who have a living aged parent and adult child. Consistent with a familialism by default hypothesis based on welfare state differences, the US sample espouses stronger family obligations than the Dutch sample. Yet, the Dutch respondents are more likely to engage in family support behaviours with both the younger and older generations, contrary to a family-steps-in hypothesis. The connection between family obligations and support behaviour is also tested, revealing a stronger association in the US sample, consistent with a family-steps-in hypothesis, but only in regard to relations with ageing parents. We conclude that Dutch respondents are more likely to act on their individual preferences whereas American respondents are more influenced by general norms of obligation towards family members. The findings are discussed in terms of social policy differences between the two countries, and in light of results from comparative European studies of intergenerational relations.