Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem

Virata: the trials and tribulations of a “chief technocrat”

This article examines the factors that led to the rise of Cesar E.A. Virata as “chief technocrat” during the martial law period (1972–1986) as well as the circumstances that led to his downfall. The article puts forward the argument that Viratas entry into the power elite was due to his technical expertise and the support he received from President Ferdinand E. Marcos, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank because of a shared development perspective. Such support, however, was not sustainable due to the political and economic instability in the country spawned by the anti-dictatorship movement. This movement was fueled by the leaderships corruption, failed economic policies, the global economic recession and human rights violations, among others. Marcos also compartmentalized his technocrats, which weakened Viratas political clout, and Virata also had no political mass base to draw his support from, reducing him to an appendage of the political leadership and foreign capital.

Philippine Civil Society and WTO Negotiations: Opportunities and Challenges

The essay discusses how civil society has found an opening in intervening in the decision-making process on the countrys negotiating position in the World Trade Organization (WTO). It particularly looks at political opportunity structures which made this possible including the following external and domestic factors: 1) the anti-globalization movement which has pressured states to be more transparent and accountable to the manner in which WTO policymaking is being undertaken, 2) the failure of the Uruguay Round to provide the economic benefits to the Philippines inducing the government to be more open to civil society intervention, 3) the effort of the Department of Agriculture (DA), the lead agency for the negotiations of the WTOs Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), to bring in civil society players, which was exemplified by the DAs establishment of the Task Force on the WTO (Re)Negotiations on the Agreement on Agriculture (TFWAR), and 4) the emergence of coalition-building in the WTO, particularly among ...The essay discusses how civil society has found an opening in intervening in the decision-making process on the countrys negotiating position in the World Trade Organization (WTO). It particularly looks at political opportunity structures which made this possible including the following external and domestic factors: 1) the anti-globalization movement which has pressured states to be more transparent and accountable to the manner in which WTO policymaking is being undertaken, 2) the failure of the Uruguay Round to provide the economic benefits to the Philippines inducing the government to be more open to civil society intervention, 3) the effort of the Department of Agriculture (DA), the lead agency for the negotiations of the WTOs Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), to bring in civil society players, which was exemplified by the DAs establishment of the Task Force on the WTO (Re)Negotiations on the Agreement on Agriculture (TFWAR), and 4) the emergence of coalition-building in the WTO, particularly among developing countries. However, there are also challenges which civil society groups face such as the need for the active involvement of the legislators in the WTO negotiations; the institutionalization of civil society participation at the local and global levels; and the prioritization of civil society strategies on dealing with the WTO and their respective governments.

Political dynasties in the Philippines: Persistent patterns, perennial problems

The results of the 2013 Philippine mid-term elections highlighted the dominance of political dynasties in the country. With all 80 provinces littered with political families, 74 percent of the elected members of the House of Representatives came from such dynastic groups. Despite overwhelming recognition that political dynasties breed patronage politics and corruption, no substantial steps have been undertaken to address this issue. This article examines the general nature of Philippine political dynasties, the reasons for their continuing existence and their adverse impact on the country. This problem emanates basically from three factors: (1) the political and socio-economic foundations upon which political dynasties are built; 2) the inability to effectively implement Philippine constitutional provisions by enacting an enabling law; and 3) the weakness of potential countervailing forces that would challenge political dynasties.

Philippine Social Movements and Contemporary Contestations over Models of Economic Development

This paper provides an overview of Philippine social movements that have challenged the dominant models of economic development through three major periods in the country’s history, i.e., the pre-martial law, martial law, and post-martial law periods. The major bone of contention was the need to address poverty, underdevelopment, and glaring socio-economic inequalities. A foremost advocacy is the need for agrarian reform, as well as the search for a development alternative to the International Monetary Fund/World Bank development model which emphasizes liberalization, the market, and privatization, as enshrined in the current neo-liberal development framework. The struggle of social movements and their advocacies and strategies is contextualized during the changing political and economic dispensations during these time periods. Gains and increments have been attained in pursuing their goals and objectives, but social movements continue to confront an arduous challenge, given the hegemony of the alliance of local and global elites.

Creating Spaces for Asian Interaction Through the Anti-Globalization Campaigns in the Region

This paper discusses the political opportunity structures which facilitated the creation of sites of interaction and protest against the Asian Development Bank during the Banks Annual General Meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in 2000. The factors which facilitated the coming together of Thai social movements and their regional and international counterparts are mainly their shared critique of the neo-liberal paradigm and its adverse effects on their respective countries. The strategies they used to highlight these effects enhanced their sites of engagement and confrontation with the Bank and included dialogue with Bank officials, demonstrations, and the use of the media to highlight their concerns. Importance was also placed on the manner in which they were able to mobilize resources for the anti-Asian Development Bank campaigns and the process by which they framed their issues to gain the sympathy and support of the public. The 1997 Asian financial crisis, which highlighted the shortcomings of the Banks development paradigm, as well as the ongoing democratization process in Thailand during that period, provided the impetus in fostering the anti-globalization alliances of local and transnational social movements in a common venue.