Thomas A. LaVeist
Johns Hopkins University
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Featured researches published by Thomas A. LaVeist.
Medical Care Research and Review | 2000
Thomas A. LaVeist; Kim J. Nickerson; Janice V. Bowie
The authors examine determinants of satisfaction with medical care among 1,784 (781 African American and 1,003 white) cardiac patients. Patient satisfaction was modeled as a function of predisposing factors (gender, age, medical mistrust, and perception of racism) and enabling factors (medical insurance). African Americans reported less satisfaction with care. Although both black and white patients tended not to endorse the existence of racism in the medical care system, African American patients were more likely to perceive racism. African American patients were significantly more likely to report mistrust. Multivariate analysis found that the perception of racism and mistrust of the medical care system led to less satisfaction with care. When perceived racism and medical mistrust were controlled, race was no longer a significant predictor of satisfaction.
Journal of Health and Social Behavior | 2002
Thomas A. LaVeist; Amani Nuru-Jeter
We examined a national sample of African American, white, Hispanic, and Asian American respondents to test the hypothesis that doctor-patient race concordance is predictive of patient satisfaction. Our analysis examined racial/ethnic differences in patient satisfaction among patients in multiple combinations of doctor-patient race/ethnicity pairs. Additionally, we outline the determinants of doctor-patient race concordance. The analysis used the 1994 Commonwealth Fund Minority Health Survey to construct a series of multivariate models. We found that for respondents in each race/ethnic group, patients who had a choice in the selection of their physician were more likely to be race concordant. Whites were more likely to be race concordant with their physician compared to African American, Hispanic, and Asian American respondents. Among each race/ethnic group, respondents who were race concordant reported greater satisfaction with their physician compared with respondents who were not race concordant. These findings suggest support for the continuation of efforts to increase the number of minority physicians, while placing greater emphasis on improving the ability of physicians to interact with patients who are not of their own race.
Social Science & Medicine | 2000
Thomas A. LaVeist; John M. Wallace
In this paper we examine whether the physical availability of alcohol is greater in predominantly African American communities compared to predominantly white communities as indicated by the presence of off premises liquor stores. We investigate the extent to which the income status of the residents of a community mediates the relationship between community racial composition and alcohol availability; and explore whether the intersection of race and class places low income African American communities at increased risk to have such stores located in their communities. Multivariate analytic techniques are used to examine the relationship between community racial composition, median income of neighborhood residents and per capita number of alcohol outlets in 194 census tracts in Baltimore, Maryland. The analysis found that liquor stores are disproportionately located in predominantly black census tracts, even after controlling for census tract socioeconomic status. Census tracts that are both low income and predominantly African American have substantially more liquor stores per capita than other census tracts. Although it is beyond the scope of the present study, our data reveal significant associations between the presence of liquor stores and the risk of health-related social problems in low income neighborhoods. More research needs to be done on the impact of alcohol on the social, psychological, and physiological health of low income urban populations.
Social Science & Medicine | 1996
Marsha Lillie-Blanton; Thomas A. LaVeist
International and national research has documented the relations between socio-economic conditions and health. Nonetheless, racial/ethnic group comparisons of health indices frequently are presented in the United States without stratifying or adjusting for socio-economic conditions that could affect interpretation of the data. This paper examines how racial/ethnic group identifiers have been used in past research. While some studies assume biologic differences; others presume that race/ethnicity is a proxy for socio-economic race factors. One consequence of these presumptions has been an underdevelopment of knowledge about racial/ethnic minority populations that could help shape public policies and preventive interventions to reduce disparities in health. Findings from studies that examine the influence of both race and social class on health are reviewed in an effort to clarify the state-of-knowledge. Although the findings vary for particular health indices, the studies provide considerable evidence that socio-economic conditions are a powerful, although not necessarily exclusive, explanatory variable for racial disparities in health. The findings are used as the basis for encouraging more theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous research rather than avoiding an assessment of the influence of race/ethnicity on health.
Journal of The American Society of Nephrology | 2002
Michelle E. Tarver-Carr; Neil R. Powe; Mark S. Eberhardt; Thomas A. LaVeist; Raynard S. Kington; Josef Coresh; Frederick L. Brancati
African Americans experience higher rates of chronic kidney disease (CKD) than do whites. It was hypothesized that racial differences in modifiable factors would account for much of the excess risk of CKD. A cohort study of 9082 African-American and white adults of age 30 to 74 yr, who participated in the Second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey in 1976 to 1980 and were monitored for vital status through 1992 in the Second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey Mortality Study, was conducted. Incident CKD was defined as treated CKD cases (ascertained by linkage to the Medicare Registry) and deaths related to kidney disease. The incidence of all-cause CKD was 2.7 times higher among African Americans, compared with whites. Adjustment for sociodemographic factors decreased the relative risk (RR) to 2.49, explaining 12% of the excess risk of CKD among African Americans. Further adjustment for lifestyle factors explained 24% of the excess risk, whereas adjustment for clinical factors alone explained 32%. Simultaneous adjustment for sociodemographic, lifestyle, and clinical factors attenuated the RR to 1.95 (95% confidence interval, 1.05 to 3.63), explaining 44% of the excess risk. Although the excess risk of CKD among African Americans was much greater among middle-age adults (30 to 59 yr of age; RR = 4.23, statistically significant) than among older adults (60 to 74 yr of age; RR = 1.27), indicating an interaction between race and age, the same patterns of explanatory factors were observed for the two age groups. Nearly one-half of the excess risk of CKD among African-American adults can be explained on the basis of potentially modifiable risk factors; however, much of the excess risk remains unexplained.
American Journal of Public Health | 2011
Paula Braveman; Shiriki Kumanyika; Jonathan E. Fielding; Thomas A. LaVeist; Luisa N. Borrell; Ron W. Manderscheid; Adewale Troutman
Eliminating health disparities is a Healthy People goal. Given the diverse and sometimes broad definitions of health disparities commonly used, a subcommittee convened by the Secretarys Advisory Committee for Healthy People 2020 proposed an operational definition for use in developing objectives and targets, determining resource allocation priorities, and assessing progress. Based on that subcommittees work, we propose that health disparities are systematic, plausibly avoidable health differences adversely affecting socially disadvantaged groups; they may reflect social disadvantage, but causality need not be established. This definition, grounded in ethical and human rights principles, focuses on the subset of health differences reflecting social injustice, distinguishing health disparities from other health differences also warranting concerted attention, and from health differences in general. We explain the definition, its underlying concepts, the challenges it addresses, and the rationale for applying it to United States public health policy.
Journal of Urban Health-bulletin of The New York Academy of Medicine | 2005
Thomas A. LaVeist
This article addresses one of the most vexing problems facing health disparities researchers, the confounding of race and socioeconomic status. This article does the following: (1) it outlines the magnitude of confounding between race and socioeconomic status; (2) it demonstrates problems caused by this confounding; (3) it examines the degree to which race disparities are a function of socioecomic status; and (4) it discusses considerations for advancing research on health disparities after accounting for the confounding of race and socioeconomic status.
Annals of Family Medicine | 2004
Anton J. Kuzel; Steven H. Woolf; Valerie Gilchrist; John D. Engel; Thomas A. LaVeist; Charles Vincent; Richard M. Frankel
BACKGROUND Despite recent attention given to medical errors, little is known about the kinds and importance of medical errors in primary care. The principal aims of this study were to develop patient-focused typologies of medical errors and harms in primary care settings and to discern which medical errors and harms seem to be the most important. METHODS Thirty-eight in-depth anonymous interviews of adults from rural, suburban, and urban locales in Virginia and Ohio were conducted to solicit stories of preventable problems with primary health care that led to physical or psychological harm. Transcriptions were analyzed to identify, name, and organize the stories of errors and harms. RESULTS The 38 narratives described 221 problematic incidents that predominantly involved breakdowns in the clinician-patient relationship (n = 82, 37%) and access to clinicians (n = 63, 29%). There were several reports of perceived racism. The incidents were linked to 170 reported harms, 70% of which were psychological, including anger, frustration, belittlement, and loss of relationship and trust in one’s clinician. Physical harms accounted for 23% of the total and included pain, bruising, worsening medical condition, and adverse drug reactions. DISCUSSION The errors reported by interviewed patients suggest that breakdowns in access to and relationships with clinicians may be more prominent medical errors than are technical errors in diagnosis and treatment. Patients were more likely to report being harmed psychologically and emotionally, suggesting that the current preoccupation of the patient safety movement with adverse drug events and surgical mishaps could overlook other patient priorities.
Transplantation | 2002
L. Ebony Boulware; Lloyd E. Ratner; Julie Ann Sosa; Lisa A. Cooper; Thomas A. LaVeist; Neil R. Powe
Background. Although low rates of cadaveric organ donation have been attributed to potential cadaveric donors’ concerns regarding their religious beliefs and mistrust of the health care system, it is unclear whether similar concerns are important to potential living related donors. It is also not known which factors might be most responsible for low rates of cadaveric and living related donation among the general public. Methods. We conducted a cross-sectional study of households in Maryland, using a standardized telephone questionnaire, to assess factors associated with willingness to donate cadaveric and living related organs. We compared factors (demographic, cultural, attitudinal, and clinical) related to willingness to donate cadaveric organs with factors related to willingness to donate living related organs. In multivariate analyses, we assessed the independent relation of factors to willingness to donate cadaveric and living related organs, and we assessed the relative importance of these factors in explaining variation in the general public’s willingness to donate. Results. Of 385 participants (84% of randomized homes), 254 (66%) were extremely willing to donate to a sibling but only 179 (47%) had designated themselves a cadaveric donor on their drivers’ licenses. In bivariate analysis, older age, comorbid conditions, mistrust in hospitals, and concerns about discrimination in hospitals were statistically significantly associated with less willingness to donate living related organs, although African-Americans, older age, lower education, lack of insurance, unemployment, comorbid conditions, and religion/spirituality were associated with less willingness to donate cadaveric organs. After adjusting for potential confounders, only mistrust in hospitals and concerns about discrimination remained strongly and independently associated with 50 to 60% less odds of willingness to donate living related organs [[relative odds [95% confidence intervals (CI)]: 0.4 (0.2–0.7) to 0.5 (0.3–1.0) and 0.4 (0.2–0.9), respectively]] although presence of dependents was associated with 70% higher odds of willingness to donate living related organs [relative odds (95% CI): 1.7 (1.0–3.0)]. In contrast, older age, employment status, religion/spirituality, and mistrust in hospitals were associated with 50 to 90% less odds of willingness to donate living related organs cadaveric organs [relative odds (95% CI): 0.3 (0.1–0.8), 0.4(0.2–0.8), 0.1 (0.1- 0.5) to 0.5 (0.2–0.9), and 0.3 (0.2–0.6), respectively]. Mistrust in hospitals and concerns about the surgical donation procedure contributed most to the variation in willingness to be a living related donor, although race contributed most to the variation in willingness to be a cadaveric donor. Conclusions. Many factors affect the general public’s willingness to donate organs, but their relative contribution is different for living related versus cadaveric donation. Efforts to improve organ donation rates should be directed toward factors that are most important in explaining the existing variation in willingness to donate.
Health Affairs | 2011
Thomas A. LaVeist; Keshia M. Pollack; Roland J. Thorpe; Ruth G. Fesahazion; Darrell J. Gaskin
Much of the current health disparities literature fails to account for the fact that the nation is largely segregated, leaving racial groups exposed to different health risks and with variable access to health services based on where they live. We sought to determine if racial health disparities typically reported in national studies remain the same when black and white Americans live in integrated settings. Focusing on a racially integrated, low-income neighborhood of Southwest Baltimore, Maryland, we found that nationally reported disparities in hypertension, diabetes, obesity among women, and use of health services either vanished or substantially narrowed. The sole exception was smoking: We found that white residents were more likely than black residents to smoke, underscoring the higher rates of ill health in whites in the Baltimore sample than seen in national data. As a result, we concluded that racial differences in social environments explain a meaningful portion of disparities typically found in national data. We further concluded that when social factors are equalized, racial disparities are minimized. Policies aimed solely at health behavior change, biological differences among racial groups, or increased access to health care are limited in their ability to close racial disparities in health. Such policies must address the differing resources of neighborhoods and must aim to improve the underlying conditions of health for all.