Tom Lansford

All for one : terrorism, NATO and the United States

Introduction - The First Test of Article 5 Regime Formation and the Formation of NATO NATOs role in the Transatlantic Security Regime Building a Consensus The Call to Arms The Military Response to 11th September Burdensharing Conclusion - NATOs Post-11th September role.

The great game renewed? US-Russian rivalry in the arms trade of South Asia

The terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001 prompted Washington to re-evaluate its policies in South Asia and reaffirmed the strategic importance of that region. One result of this reassessment has been renewed efforts to supply arms and weapons systems to the region as a means of expanding influence and bolstering support for US actions in Afghanistan. Concurrently, economic pressures and the traditional drive for influence have prompted continued efforts on the part of Russia to expand arms sales as a tool for increasing revenues and maintaining influence. The potential for a dramatic increase in the number and quality of arms in South Asia may exacerbate existing tensions in the area. This article examines the impact of increased arms transfers to the region in the context of an escalating competition between Washington and Moscow to retain or gain strategic influence and to enlarge markets for military sales.

Fostering community resilience : homeland security and Hurricane Katrina

Contents: Resilience and homeland security Hurricane Katrinas impact on the Mississippi Gulf coast The Mississippi Gulf coast: the fabric of community resolve The Mississippi Gulf coast: rebuilding infrastructure The Mississippi Gulf coast: fostering political resilience The Mississippi Gulf coast: economic recovery and growth Some lessons in resilience Appendices Bibliography Index.

The triumph of transatlanticism: NATO and the evolution of European security after the cold war

The end of the Cold War and the resulting American drawdown of forces in Europe only seemed to confirm the need for a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) distinct from NATO. Differences over the scope and nature of the European pillar quickly derailed significant progress towards ESDI as some states, such as Great Britain or the Netherlands, insisted on the retention of NATO as the foundation of any European‐wide security structure while other states, mainly France, insisted on a Eurocentric security system. This essay examines the rise of new security concerns and risks, and the perceived inability of the existing institutions in the early 1990s to deal with these new threats. The policies and priorities of the major powers involved in the security of the region are analyzed against the backdrop of these new risks. The impact of these security issues and national interests are assessed on the reforms and adaptations undertaken since 1990, and the new structures and institutional arrangements th...

Whither Lafayette? French military policy and the American campaign in Afghanistan

During the American‐led military campaign against international terrorism, France has sought to preserve its special status and role as a global power. This effort continues longstanding French policies designed to maintain autonomy in security and foreign policy areas. Such policies create differences and discord with the United States over coalition warfare. This article examines the underpinnings of American and French preferences for coalition military missions in the context of national policy and past military operations. A case study of French participation in the operations in Afghanistan provides the framework for analysis.

Security and marketshare: Bridging the transatlantic divide in the defense industry

This essay examines the recent trends in the transatlantic defense industry, including the increased levels of cooperation and consolidation on both sides of the Atlantic. Factors associated with the rise in multilateral efforts to create a unified defense market among the major West European states are analyzed in the context of the existing constraints posed by domestic politics and economic considerations. The response of the US government and individual manufacturers will be evaluated as a comparison for the European efforts. Finally, the potential for a broad framework to promote future transatlantic cooperation will be examined.

Dual engagement: France and the Persian Gulf

With the end of the Cold War international relations began anew without the bipolar constraints of two ideologically opposed superpowers. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 represented the first challenge to the nascent post‐Cold War Persian Gulf security environment. Within the region, France is once again increasingly active in the economic, political and military fields. The re‐evaluation of Washingtons ability to remain engaged at its current levels within the Gulf may be attributed in large part to a growing sensitivity in Riyadh and other Arab capitals to the visible US presence coupled with an American foreign policy which is, at times, inconsistent. The net future effect of contemporary trends may be one in which the Gulf Sheikhdoms welcome French ascendancy and US decline. France has experienced its own foreign policy transformation marked by the leadership of President Chirac. Where President Mitterrand sought the role of power broker in regional affairs, President Chirac seeks incre...

Arizona Senate Race: McCain Holds on for a Sixth Term

Republican John McCain was first elected to the U.S. Senate from Arizona in 1986 and was reelected by comfortable margins four more times. He was also the 2008 GOP presidential nominee. However, McCain was perceived as vulnerable after he decided to seek a sixth Senate term in 2016. Some Republicans were upset with his moderate stance on issues such as immigration. Meanwhile, the state’s growing Latino population was seen as a key voting bloc that could permanently reshape Arizona politics and swing the election to a Democrat. U.S. House Representative Ann Kirkpatrick was seen as a rising star in Arizona’s Democratic Party and a strong contender. McCain won the November balloting, defeating Kirkpatrick, and Gary Swing, a Green party candidate.

The Best Defense? Iraq and Beyond

The Bush administration has worked toward making wide spread changes within the Department of Defense in how it has planned for future military operations. The need to reorient a Cold War era military establishment to take into account post-Cold War realities has been and continues to be an agenda item for the current administration. Bush 41 and Clinton failed in many ways to wrest control away from bureaucratic minded senior military officers that had become risk aversive to the point of undermining the ability to project and protect U.S. interests. Over the course of Bush’s first term and what is expected to continue during the second term, Bush and his hand-selected staff have worked to bring a slow changing military bureaucracy into new realities.

Are Second Terms Second Best? Why George W. Bush Might (or Might Not) Beat the Expectations

Facing a worsening situation in Iraq, a relatively jobless economic recovery, large budget deficits, mixed media coverage, a united and well-funded Democratic opposition, mediocre performance in two of the three presidential debates, and a relatively pessimistic public mood, President George W. Bush nonetheless won reelection in 2004, by a surprising popular and Electoral College vote majority over Massachusetts Senator John Kerry.1 Indeed, Bush won the first popular vote majority since his father’s win over another Massachusetts liberal, Michael Dukakis, in 1988.