Tomáš Havlíček

Religion and gender inequality: The status of women in the societies of world religions

Abstract The status of women in society is very diverse worldwide. Among many important traits associated with the differentiation of gender inequality is religion, which itself must be regarded as a fluid concept with interpretations and practices ‘embedded’ and thus varying with respect to cultural and historical relations. Admitting the complexity of the issues, some religious norms and traditions can contribute to the formation of gender inequalities and to subordinate the role of women in society. Using an exploratory quantitative analysis, the influence of religiosity on gender inequality in social, economic and political spheres is examined. Three categories of states have emerged from the analysis: (a) states where the majority of inhabitants are without religious affiliation, which display the lowest levels of gender inequality; (b) Christian and Buddhist societies, with average levels of gender inequality; and (c) states with the highest levels of gender inequality across the observed variables, whose inhabitants adhere to Islam and Hinduism.

Sacred Structures in the Landscape: The Case of Rural Czechia

This paper examines the development of sacred structures in rural Czechia (former Czechoslovakia). Sacred structures could be associated with the creation of important symbols and distinctive rural regional identities in Czechia. Rural Czechia is not uniform: it represents several different rural landscapes. This paper considers whether sacred structures support the idea of multiple and fundamentally different rural areas existing in Czechia. In rural areas and small municipalities, sacred structures often present the only significant culture feature for a tourist. This research found that most residents of Czechias rural areas identify with sacred structures, in spite of the fact that representatives of local government often perceive such items as cultural–historical symbols in the landscape rather than religious structures. Five types of rural, religious landscapes were identified, supporting the idea that multiple types of rural areas exist in Czechia.

Secularization and Church Property: The Case of Czechia

Czech society’s tendencies towards secularization over the past 20 years are reflected in the issue of the restitution of church properties seized during the communist era. The overall amount is calculated at 134 billion CZK (approx. 6.7 billion USD) and represents the state’s financial debt towards the churches. Despite the low percentage of believers (21 %) according to the 2011 census, no official declaration mandating the separation of the church and state has been currently made in Czechia as it has been done elsewhere in Europe. After the fall of the communist dictatorship, attempts to return formerly church-owned properties seized by the state began in the hopes of achieving a full restitution of properties and resolving disrupted church-state relations. After more than 20 years the majority of previously church-owned properties remain unresolved. Most churches continue to be dependent on the state, because legislative and legal conditions have not been agreed upon or enforced. We evaluate the process of returning church properties seized during the communist era as a reflection of continually developing church-state relations. We analyze discussions and priorities of the individual actors (state, churches, administrations, landowners and developers) including the public. The state is obligated to fulfill its social-moral commitments as well as with responsibilities towards the citizens/voters and the public. It is clear not only that a conflict exists and that is the primary cause for the long period of inactivity. We examine these unresolved issues in the village of Cervena Řecice and how they affect local and regional development and the major actors. Not only does the blockage of church properties result in stagnation (infrastructure and new construction), but also other socioeconomic developments. This issue remains outside of the interest of mainstream media and the professional and lay public interest as well.

City with or without God? Features of post-secularism in religious landscape of post-communist Prague

ABSTRACT The religious climate caused significant changes over the last few decades which led to intense debates about post-secularism in Western Europe. However, there is particularly a distinct lack of analyses of the features of post-secularism in post-communist cities. The paper draws on the case study of Prague where the religious landscape is in many ways unique in a European context because of its highly secularized society. Nevertheless, Prague also experienced a revival of religious life, which has found expression in the religious landscape (not only) through the emergence of new sacral structures, pluralization of religion and post-secular rapprochement in religious institutions. The paper examines the convergent and contradictory processes shaping the religious and non-religious landscape in Prague and therefore opens the discussion about post-secularism in post-communist context. The results point to the importance of historical, social, and urban development for the new geographies of religion. New areas of research should also draw attention on the new religious movements and alternative spirituality which helps to explain the relationship between sacred and secular phenomena in current European society and space and the re-definition of the minority role of religion in the secular society.

Demarginalization and Church Property: The Case of Czechia

This chapter presents the first analyses of the process of church restitution in general and its implications in local and regional development at the example of Roman Catholic Church in Czechia. The long process (20 years) of the restitution of church property is also the result of the secular society and its reflection in the decisions of the political system in Czechia. The block on formerly church-owned property disadvantages municipalities with a higher percentage of those areas. Over 120,000 hectares of land (mostly agricultural and forest) were returned to churches by April 2016, which together accounts for approximately 1.4% of the total area of Czechia. The activities performed in the process of recovery of church property are building a platform for enhancing the social capital in peripheral areas and regions and hence a greater likelihood of further development, or de-marginalisation of this disadvantaged regions. The first analyses show a significant regional differentiation of the church restitution process, which could bring benefits to peripheral regions with a high proportion of returned church property. The initial investments of Roman Catholic Church in Czechia in peripheral, mainly rural areas are differentiated into the three main categories: projects related to care for ill and elderly people, projects focusing on regional, mainly food products, and projects related to forestry and agriculture.

Building a Cross-Border Region Using the Example of Euroregion Silva Nortica—On the Way from Closed to Open Borders

This chapter attempts to present one model of cross-border regions, including related cross-border cooperation, using the example of the Silva Nortica Euroregion on the border between South Bohemia and Lower Austria and aims primarily at mapping, analysing and evaluating the process of the institutionalisation of cross-border cooperation and the formation of cross-border regions. We describe and analyse the transformation of the geo-position of the Czech-Austrian borderland from a closed territory (Iron Curtain) to an open one (Schengen). The key data of the study are the result of a field survey both among the inhabitants and the key personalities of the Euroregion. Cross-border contacts and cooperation are greater in areas closer to the state border. Cross-border cooperation in the Silva Nortica Euroregion is also heavily influenced by its organisational structure, or, differences in the organisation of its individual national parts. The cross-border community and identity is underdeveloped in the region. These are represented by persistent prejudices and injustice from the past, the language barrier and bad experience with Czechs/Austrians and others. The chapter results show that building cross-border cooperation, followed by a cross-border identity, or forming a cross-border region, is a complex process. It is influenced by administration, institutions and powers, as well as individual perceptions and the local specifics of the region and its inhabitants.

Euroregions as a Platform for Cross-Border Cooperation

The following chapter assesses the status of Euroregions as a basic element of cross-border cooperation. It notes the institutionalisation of this phenomenon in relation to the classification or typology of border regions. Besides the pan- or central European dimension, it concentrates on the situation in Czechia (Czech borderland). An objective view is supplemented by selected findings from an empirical investigation in five model Euroregions, always on one section of the border. The issues represented are knowledge of cross-border activities, Euroregion perception, anticipated problems of cross-border relations or involvement of local residents (respondents) in cross-border cooperation. We can expect that the originally dominant position of cultural, educational and sports events will be lost in favour of other disciplines, for example the economy. Euroregion awareness is between 30 and 80%, with no obvious superiority of the concrete Euroregions over general concepts. For the future, the strongest and most common issues seem to be criminality, prostitution and pathologies, but also, for example different living standards, language or mentality.

Conclusions: The Borderlands After Schengen—Self-sufficient, Oscillatory and/or Transit Regions?

The Central European borderlands have so far been an underdeveloped areas both nationally and cross-border/internationally within the integration processes taking place in Europe. At the same time, we consider the areas to be highly differentiated, both from the internal and external point of view. Cross-border cooperation, therefore, means that these areas (localities) have a chance to fully participate in the regional system not only within states, but also at higher Central European level. A prerequisite for this is knowledge of the border areas, at all levels of order (national, regional, and local). That is why this book was created, reflecting the latest development toward a fundamentally new situation, different from the beginning of the twenty-first century, when the editors published the monograph entitled Czech Borderlands – Space of Barrier or Mediation? Jeřabek (Certifikovana metodika k usměrněni přeshranicniho regionalniho rozvoje. MINO, Usti nad Labem, 2004). However, it turns out that the changes do not come as a jump, for example, by entering the Schengen area. Rather, it is a gradual linking of cross-border areas within Central Europe.

The Schengen Phenomenon - Fact or Fiction?

Central Europe is currently in a unique geopolitical situation. In 2007, the territory became part of the Schengen area without any border control, creating good conditions for deeper integration of a region which just slightly over 20 years ago was still strongly polarised by the Iron Curtain. The process of horizontal expansion of the European Union resulted in a change of their position in the hierarchically organised European space: many border regions transformed from peripheral areas of the EU into central ‘seams’ between Member States. Through the process of horizontal expansion, these changes started affecting increasingly larger and highly typologically divergent areas. The analysis of results of field investigations in model Euroregions on both sides of the Czech borders shows little to no change in the standard of living in border regions in the context of the qualitatively new situation after accession to the Schengen area. The accession to Schengen has more of a psychological effect in terms of free movement across the national border rather than an economic benefit mainly associated with the standard of living. The results of the field research present also a remarkable difference in the perception of potential negative phenomena associated with the term ‘Schengen’ (crime, increased migration, including illegal) between border regions and at the national level in Czechia where they have a much higher representation.

Development in the Border Areas as Part of the European Integration Process

Border regions play an important role in the history of the European integration process. On the borders of the “Inner Six”, the first formal cross-border institutions were formed over 55 years ago; they aimed to reduce the weaknesses of border regions in competition with core areas. In the process of historical development, Euroregions cover a significant part of the borders, and not only in Central Europe. The topics of border regions’ development and cross-border cooperation became an important part of European regional policy. In the context of regional policy, financial tools to support border region development were set in the form of individual programmes (CBC PHARE, INTERREG, Phare CREDO, Tacis CBC, CARDS, MEDA, Cil 3, EUS). Czech border regions underwent a fundamental change after joining the European Union in 2004, which applies the four freedoms, including the free movement of people. What is the Czech borderland residents’ reflection on joining the European Union? Residents have not experienced significant changes in living standards in the border regions after joining the European Union; however, the changes for the better outweigh the changes for the worse. Overall, joining the European Union has brought positive changes to the Czech borderland; there are minor differences between its different sections. In terms of the residents’ identity, there are noticeable differences in the identification of the population in the border areas with the concept of a European: there is a significantly higher proportion of identification in neighbouring border regions than in the Czech regions.