Tricia K. Neppl
Iowa State University
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Featured researches published by Tricia K. Neppl.
Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology | 2003
Rand D. Conger; Tricia K. Neppl; Kee Jeong Kim; Laura V. Scaramella
This investigation examined intergenerational continuities in both angry, aggressive parenting and also the angry, aggressive behavior of children and adolescents. Data from 75 G2 youth (26 men, 49 women, M = 22-years old), their mothers (G1), and their G3 children (47 boys, 28 girls, M = 2.4-years old) were included in the analyses. The prospective, longitudinal design of the study, which included observational and multiinformant measures, overcame many of the methodological limitations found in much of the earlier research on intergenerational transmission. The results demonstrated a direct connection between observed G1 aggressive parenting and observed G2 aggressive parenting from 5 to 7 years later. G2 aggressive behavior as an adolescent and G3 aggressive behavior as a child were related to parenting behavior but not directly to one another. The results were consistent with a social learning perspective on intergenerational continuities in angry and aggressive behaviors.
Developmental Psychology | 2009
Tricia K. Neppl; Rand D. Conger; Laura V. Scaramella; Lenna Ontai
This prospective, longitudinal investigation examined mechanisms proposed to explain continuities in parenting behavior across 2 generations (G1, G2). Data came from 187 G2 adults, their mothers (G1), and their children (G3). Prospective information regarding G2 was collected both during adolescence and early adulthood. G1 data were collected during G2s adolescence, and G3 data were generated during the preschool years. Assessments included both observational and self-report measures. The results indicated a direct relationship between G1 and G2 harsh parenting, and between G1 and G2 positive parenting. As predicted, specific mediators accounted for intergenerational continuity in particular types of parenting behavior. G2 externalizing behavior mediated the relationship between G1 and G2 harsh parenting, whereas G2 academic attainment mediated the relationship between G1 and G2 positive parenting. In addition, the hypothesized mediating pathways remained statistically significant after taking into account possible G2 effects on G1 parenting and G3 effects on G2 parenting.
Development and Psychopathology | 2010
Monica J. Martin; Rand D. Conger; Thomas J. Schofield; Shannon J. Dogan; Keith F. Widaman; M. Brent Donnellan; Tricia K. Neppl
The current multigenerational study evaluates the utility of the interactionist model of socioeconomic influence on human development (IMSI) in explaining problem behaviors across generations. The IMSI proposes that the association between socioeconomic status (SES) and human development involves a dynamic interplay that includes both social causation (SES influences human development) and social selection (individual characteristics affect SES). As part of the developmental cascade proposed by the IMSI, the findings from this investigation showed that Generation 1 (G1) adolescent problem behavior predicted later G1 SES, family stress, and parental emotional investments, as well as the next generation of childrens problem behavior. These results are consistent with a social selection view. Consistent with the social causation perspective, we found a significant relation between G1 SES and family stress, and in turn, family stress predicted Generation 2 (G2) problem behavior. Finally, G1 adult SES predicted both material and emotional investments in the G2 child. In turn, emotional investments predicted G2 problem behavior, as did material investments. Some of the predicted pathways varied by G1 parent gender. The results are consistent with the view that processes of both social selection and social causation account for the association between SES and human development.
Journal of Personality | 2009
M. Brent Donnellan; Katherine J. Conger; Kimberly K. McAdams; Tricia K. Neppl
This article describes a theoretical model that links personal characteristics with resilience to economic hardship and its psychological and interpersonal consequences. This transactional model integrates social influence and social selection perspectives concerning the relation between socioeconomic circumstances and the development of individuals and families. In addition, this article discusses methodological and conceptual issues related to investigating the effects of personal characteristics in this context. Finally, initial empirical support for some of the key predictions from the proposed model are provided using longitudinal data collected from a sample of Midwestern families. Specifically, adolescent academic achievement, self-reports of Conscientiousness, and self-reports of low Neuroticism during adolescence predicted relevant outcomes in adulthood such as less economic pressure, more satisfying romantic relationships, and less harsh parenting behaviors. These preliminary findings support the hypothesized model and extend research concerning the life course outcomes associated with personal characteristics.
Journal of Adolescent Health | 2013
Rand D. Conger; Thomas J. Schofield; Tricia K. Neppl; Melissa T. Merrick
PURPOSE Harsh, abusive, and rejecting behavior by parents toward their children is associated with increased risk for many developmental problems for youth. Earlier research also shows that children raised by harsh parents are more likely to treat their own children harshly. The present study evaluated nurturing and supportive behaviors of spouses or cohabiting romantic partners hypothesized to strengthen co-parent relationships and help break this intergenerational cycle of harsh parenting. METHODS Data come from the Family Transitions Project, a 22-year, 3-generation study of a cohort of over 500 early adolescents (G2) grown to adulthood. During adolescence, observers rated G1 (parent of G2) harsh parenting to G2. Several years later, observers rated G2 harsh parenting toward their oldest child (G3). In addition, G2s romantic partner (spouse or cohabiting partner) was rated by observers on a range of behaviors expected to affect G2 harsh parenting. RESULTS Romantic partner warmth and positive communication with G2 were associated with less G2 harsh parenting toward G3 (a compensatory or main effect) and when these partner behaviors were high, there was no evidence of intergenerational continuity from G1 to G2 harsh parenting (a moderating or protective effect). G1 harsh parenting slightly decreased the likelihood that G2 would select a supportive spouse or romantic partner (evidence of cumulative continuity). CONCLUSIONS Romantic partner warmth and positive communication appear to disrupt continuity in harsh and abusive parenting. As appropriate, preventive interventions designed to reduce risk for child maltreatment should include a focus on spousal or partner behaviors in their educational or treatment programs.
Journal of Substance Abuse | 2001
Richard Spoth; Catherine Goldberg; Tricia K. Neppl; Linda Trudeau; Suhasini Ramisetty-Mikler
PURPOSE We examined rural-urban differences in cumulative risk for youth substance use. A recent report [National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse (CASA) 2000] found that the rural-urban distribution of substance use and known risk factors for substance use differed; in many cases rural youth showed higher levels of use, as well as higher levels of risk factors. The current investigation, while not directly examining substance use, further examined rural-urban differences in the distribution of risk factors for youth substance use, based on information from parent reports. METHOD Study 1 data were collected from a random sample of Midwestern parents (n = 339) with a young adolescent between the ages of 11 and 13 years. Study 2 data were collected from a second sample of Midwestern parents (n = 593). RESULTS Analyses of rural-urban comparisons demonstrated higher levels of cumulative risk among rural youth. An evaluation of the sensitivity of the analysis to rural-urban classification schemes indicated that the findings were robust, but that there was some minor variation in rural-urban differences by classification scheme. IMPLICATIONS Results contribute to an explanation of findings from earlier reports of rural-urban differences in substance use, and suggest directions for future research on rural-urban distributions of youth risk factors.
Parenting: Science and Practice | 2012
Rand D. Conger; Thomas J. Schofield; Tricia K. Neppl
SYNOPSIS The Family Transitions Project began in 1989 to see how rural families in Iowa were coping with the severe economic downturn in agriculture at that time. In this report we show that cohort members who were treated harshly by their parents tended to emulate these behaviors with their children. However, if they coparented with a partner who demonstrated a warm and supportive parenting style, intergenerational continuity was disrupted.
Journal of Family Psychology | 2010
Melissa A. Barnett; Laura V. Scaramella; Tricia K. Neppl; Lenna Ontai; Rand D. Conger
Despite high rates of grandmother involvement with young grandchildren, very little research has examined the associations between nonresidential grandmother involvement and grandchild social adjustment. The present study involved 127 families enrolled in the Family Transitions Project to consider the degree to which mother-reported maternal grandmother involvement buffered 3- and 4-year-old grandchildren from economic, parenting, and child temperamental risks for reduced social competence and elevated externalizing behaviors. Findings indicate that higher levels of mother-reported grandmother involvement reduced the negative association between observed grandchild negative emotional reactivity and social competence. Furthermore, higher levels of mother-reported grandmother involvement protected grandchildren from the positive association between observed mother harsh parenting and grandchild externalizing behaviors. These findings underscore the relevance of moving beyond the nuclear family to understand factors linked to social adjustment during early childhood.
Child Development | 2013
Sara L. Sohr-Preston; Laura V. Scaramella; Monica J. Martin; Tricia K. Neppl; Lenna Ontai; Rand D. Conger
This third-generation, longitudinal study evaluated a family investment perspective on family socioeconomic status (SES), parental investments in children, and child development. The theoretical framework was tested for first-generation parents (G1), their children (G2), and the children of the second generation (G3). G1 SES was expected to predict clear and responsive parental communication. Parental investments were expected to predict educational attainment and parenting for G2 and vocabulary development for G3. For the 139 families in the study, data were collected when G2 were adolescents and early adults and their oldest biological child (G3) was 3-4 years of age. The results demonstrate the importance of SES and parental investments for the development of children and adolescents across multiple generations.
Journal of Family Psychology | 2014
Thomas J. Schofield; Rand D. Conger; Tricia K. Neppl
Prior research involving parents (G1) and their adult children (G2) shows intergenerational continuity in positive parenting. Previous research, however, has not shown circumstances under which the typically modest effect size for intergenerational continuity is augmented or attenuated. Using a multigenerational data set involving 290 families, we evaluated 2 potential moderators of intergenerational continuity in positive parenting (i.e., beliefs about parenting efficacy and active coping strategies) drawn from prior theoretical work on predictors of parenting (Belsky, 1984). These personal resources of the second-generation (G2) parent interacted with G1 positive parenting to predict G2 parenting behavior. Beliefs about parental efficacy and active coping both compensated for low levels of G1 positive parenting by promoting G2 positive parenting when G1 parents were comparatively low on positive parenting. An alternative interpretation of this moderation is that G1 positive parenting compensated for low levels of these personal resources by promoting G2 positive parenting when G2 parents were comparatively low on parenting efficacy and effective coping. These findings indicate the different roles that these personal resources and a history of positive parenting appear to play in promoting a positive parenting environment for the next generation of children.