Urie Bronfenbrenner

Toward an experimental ecology of human development.

A broader approach to research in hu- j man development is proposed that focuses on the pro- \ gressive accommodation, throughout the life span, between the growing human organism and the changing environments in which it actually lives and grows. \ The latter include not only the immediate settings containing the developing person but also the larger social contexts, both formal and informal, in which these settings are embedded. In terms of method, the approach emphasizes the use of rigorousj^d^igned exp_erjments, both naturalistic and contrived, beginning in the early stages of the research process. The chang- ing relation between person and environment is con- ceived in systems terms. These systems properties are set forth in a series of propositions, each illus- trated by concrete research examples.

Nature-nuture reconceptualized in developmental perspective: A bioecological model

In response to Anastasis (1958) long-standing challenge, the authors propose an empirically testable theoretical model that (a) goes beyond and qualifies the established behavioral genetics paradigm by allowing for nonadditive synergistic effects, direct measures of the environment, and mechanisms of organism-environment interaction, called proximal processes, through which genotypes are transformed into phenotypes; (b) hypothesizes that estimates of heritability (e.g., h2) increase markedly with the magnitude of proximal processes; (c) demonstrates that heritability measures the proportion of variation in individual differences attributable only to actualized genetic potential, with the degree of nonactualized potential remaining unknown; (d) proposes that, by enhancing proximal processes and environments, it is possible to increase the extent of actualized genetic potentials for developmental competence.

Don't Forget to Take the Cupcakes out of the Oven: Prospective Memory, Strategic Time-Monitoring, and Context.

Strategies employed by children in tasks requiring prospective memory (i.e., remembering to do something in the future) were investigated to illuminate the nature of the processes involved, and their developmental and contextual determinants. Efficient strategy use was expected to increase with age but to decrease in an unfamiliar setting or on a task associated with higher sex-role expectations. Children were instructed to perform future activities after waiting 30 min. Childrens clock-checking during the waiting period was assessed in their own homes or a university psychophysics laboratory. As predicted, strategic time-monitoring occurred less frequently in the laboratory than in the home. The anticipated differences associated with higher sex-role expectations and age were most salient for older boys in the laboratory setting. The findings indicate that, when observed in a familiar setting, children can be shown to employ sophisticated cognitive strategies. Emphasis is placed on the scientific power of the laboratory as a contrasting context for illuminating developmental processes.

Recent Advances in Research on the Ecology of Human Development

It is now more than a decade ago that, being somewhat younger, I presumed to challenge the then-prevailing conventions of my field by describing the developmental research of the day as “the study of the strange behavior of children in strange situations with strange adults for the briefest possible period of time” (Bronfenbrenner, 1974). Instead, I argued (as if it were simply a matter of choice), we should be studying development in its ecological context; that is, in the actual environments in which human beings lived their lives. I then proceeded to outline, in a series of publications, a conceptual framework for analyzing development in context, and to offer concrete examples of how various elements of the schema might be applied both to past studies and to studies yet to come. I also emphasized the scientific and practical benefits of a closer linkage, in both directions, between developmental research and public policy (Bronfenbrenner, 1975, 1977a, 1977b, 1979a, 1979b, 1981).

Human Development, Bioecological Theory of

The bioecological model, together with its corresponding research designs, is an evolving theoretical system for the scientific study of human development over time. The defining properties of the bioecological model are discussed. Ten propositions pertinent to using the model to frame and integrate existing research, to design new research, and to devise applications for public policy and social programs are presented.

A Constant Frame of Reference for Sociometric Research

The emphasis of modern educational theory on the socio-emotional aspects of human growth has imposed the necessity of devising techniques for evaluating the degree and character of social development. The problem has been complicated by the fact that social development applies not only to the individual but also to the social organization of which he is a part. Variations occur not only in the social status of a particular person Within the group, but also in the structure of the group itself-that is, in the frequency, strength, pattern, and basis of the interrelationships which bind the group together and give it distinctive character. Social status and structure are of course interdependent, but attention must be given to both of these variables if the process of social development is to be properly understood. One of the most ingenious devices for the study of social status and structure is the sociometric test. This technique permits the analysis of a persons position within the group; it also makes possible an analysis of the framework of the group organization-an identification of persons dominant in the group structure, of cliques, of cleavages, and of patterns of social attraction and repulsion. It is to be expected that so revealing a technique would be widely accepted and would yield valuable results in the study of social phenomena -particularly in the investigation of social development as indicated by change in status and structure. Moreover, in the light of the emphasis upon the individual found in modern psychological and sociological thought, it is to be expected that the results obtained through sociometric research would be evaluated not only in terms of the technique itself, but also in relation to other experimental and clinical data with the aim of securing a better understanding of the human organism and its growth.

Socialization Practices of Parents, Teachers, and Peers in Israel: Kibbutz, Moshav, and City.

AVGAR, AMY; BRONFENBRENNER, URIE; and HENDERSON, CHARLES R., JR. Socialization Practices of Parents, Teachers, and Peers in Israel: Kibbutz, Moshav, and City. CmLD DEVELOPMENT, 1977, 48, 1219-1227. This study takes advantage of the existence in Israel of a distinctive and often neglected form of cooperative settlement, the moshav, in order to clarify the theoretical issues implicit in the contrast between collective versus family upbringing. Socialization practices in the moshav are compared with those of kibbutz and city, based on the responses of about 1,000 preadolescents to the Cornell Socialization Agent Inventory. Findings show that patterns of child-rearing practices in the 3 settings tend to fall on a continuum, with the moshav in an intermediate position but somewhat closer to kibbutz than city. This has been interpreted as reflecting the counteracting influences of the cooperative organization of the larger society versus a traditional family structure, with the former exerting a somewhat stronger effect.

The changing family in a changing world: America first? 1

The rapid and revolutionary changes in the American family that have taken place at an accelerating rate since World War II surely represent an extraordinary phenomenon in the history of modern societies. It is true that similar transformations have been occurring in other industrialized countries, and, in the absence of directly comparable data, it is impossible to be certain about comparative rates of change. But there can be little doubt that the alterations in American family life are as precipitous and pervasive as those in any other modern nation. Yet, despite the saliency of the phenomenon, the forces that stimulate and sustain the change are far from clear. Indeed, this may be the first time in recorded social history that so rapid and radical a change in that most basic human institution, the family, has occurred in the absence of major disasters like war, famine, epidemics, or economic collapse. But even when unaccompanied by a major social upheaval, such a profound and relatively sudden change in the structure and role of the family in the society is likely to have significant consequence in other spheres, most notably in the development of children and youth. In this paper I endeavor to bring together in brief compass such scientific information as is available on three aspects of this phenomenon: (a) the nature of the changes that have been occurring; (b) possible causes and consequences of these changes; and (c) possible implications of the changes for policy and practice.

Contextos de crianza del niño. Problemas y prospectiva

RESUMENLa idea de este articulo es hacer una integracion teorica del conocimiento existente sobre los contextos de crianza del nino. A la luz de las investigaciones existentes el autor hace varias propuestas: la distincion entre contexto de desarrollo primario (bajo guia de otras personas) y secundario (sin esta intervencion); la importancia de terceras partes en el desarrollo potencial de un escenario; el desarrollo potencial se ve incrementado en virtud de las interrelaciones entre ese escenario y otros contextos en los que se inserta el nino. La escuela se ha separado progresivamente del hogar y se ha convertido en uno de los focos de alienacion para los ninos y jovenes, con importantes consecuencias en su conducta y en el desarrollo. Con la incorporacion de la mujer al mundo laboral, tambien se ha modificado el contexto de crianza.

Could the answer be talent

We present a theoretical model and corresponding research design (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci 1994) that could yield stronger evidence for (or perhaps against) Howe et al.s conclusions. The model assesses levels of heritability ( h ²) under different amounts of training and practice, thus providing estimates of the independent contribution of “innate talent” to the quality of development outcomes. The design can also reveal the extent to which this independent contribution varies systematically as a function of other influential factors identified by Howe et al.