Valdas Pruskus

Jaunosios kartos katalikų intelektualų pažiūros į kapitalizmą ir socializmą tarpukario Lietuvoje

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos jaunosios kartos lietuvių intelektualų katalikų pažiūros i kapitalizmą ir socializmą. Aptariamos puoseletų nuostatų idėjinės istakos. Atskleidžiamas kritinis požiūris į tuometinį kapitalizmą, jo funkcionavimo padarinius ir jų įtaką individo saviraiskos galimybėms. Pateikiamas socializmo, kaip teorinio modelio ir socialinio eksperimento, vykdyto Sovietų Rusijoje, vertinimas.

Socialinių katalikybės idėjų raiška Lietuvoje

The views of Lithuanian patriotic clergy on cooperation are discussed (J. Dabusis, S. Sultė, J. Vailokaitis, F. Kemėsis, M. Krupavicius, etc.). They believed that the cooperation is not only a defensive measure for a nation as an economic subject against the predatory capitalism associated with the foreign businessmen activities in Lithuania. It is also a non-compulsive way of organizing the more equitable society. Propagating the cooperation ideas in various strata of society, organizing them in cooperative systems, clergy has been seeking to arouse an initiative in people, their sense of duty and responsibility. They stimulated considerably the formation of the working class and of the peasantry and their professional improvement. In that way Lithuania could, after proclaiming independence in 1918, in spite of destructive consequences of the World War I, to restore and develop own economy in a comparatively short period.

Katalikiškojo modernizmo užuomazgos Lietuvoje

The origination of the modernistic ideas among the liberal Lithuanian catholic clergy and intellectuals in the end of 19th century and in the beginning of the 20th century are considered. The criticism of blind dogmatism, of primitive and formal religiosity, the fight for the ideas of national religious art (J. Slapelis), for the evolutionary development of society (S. Sulte) and religion (Derkintis), as well as the quest for the new forms of religious rite (A. Jakstas) are being analysed. The modernists strived for the emancipation of the Lithuanian Catholic Church from archaic relics, inertion and from the patronage of the Polish clergy. Their propagation of tolerance and authentic thinking has paved the way for the Lithuanian modernism after World War I.

Views on Socialism in A. Maceina’s and P. Jakas’ Works

Straipsnyje marksistinės metodologijos pagrindu vertinamos lietuvių buržuazinių katalikybės modernistų A. Maceinos ir P. Jako pažiūros į socializmo moksline teoriją ir praktiką. Kritikuojamos jų pastangos socializme į pirmą vietą iskelti ne socialinius-ekonominius santykius, bet pasaulėžiūrinius ir psichologinius momentus, kuriuos jie mėgino paversti socialinį teisingumą lemianciais veiksniais. Socialinio teisingumo principų įgyvendinimą jie siejo ne su nuosavybės formos pakeitimu, bet su asmenybės dvasiniu tobulėjimu, religinio nusiteikimo ugdymu, stengėsi issiaiskinti socializmo nesutaikomumo su religija priežastis. A. Maceina teigė, kad klasinis antagonizmas turi ne tik ekonomines, bet ir psichologines priežastis. Jis pernelyg isplėtė ir pervertino buržuazinio egoizmo poveikį darbininkijai. Jie nesuprato visuomenės socialinio-ekonominio vystymosi dėsningumų, jiems suteikė religine prasme. Nors A. Maceina ir P. Jakas, kaip ir Vakarų Europos katalikybės modernistai, kategoriskai neneigė socializmo, polemizavo su juo, taciau tai atliko labiau is istorinės realybės baimės nei is simpatijų socializmui. Iskraipytai vaizduodami socializmą jie gynė kapitalistine santvarką.

Catholicism and Society during the Interwar Period in Lithuania

Lithuanian Catholic modernist intellectuals perceived Catholicism and the Church, first of all, as an ecclesiastic institution, entitled to form the attitudes of an individual and the society and their interrelations. However, the terrestrial garment of it at that times did not cause a sympathy to them. According to them, perhaps, the most disadvantage was a formal character of the activities of Catholicism and the Church in Lithuania during the interwar period. They discovered its manifestations in the efforts of the Church of that times to establish religious organizations, trying to involve into their activities representatives of various strata of the society and paying a slight attention to their conscious self-determination and education. Such formal membership, which entitled an individual to call him a believer, as well as the aesthetical-demonstrative manner of being a member of the Church, expressing itself by almost obligatory participation in all mass religious actions (various arrangements), aiming to manifest the Catholic “acting” and solidarity, did not stimulate a conscious and authentic confession of the faith. For this reason, they thought that the Church must refuse too active wardship of believers. Protesting against too active wardship of an individual and a distrust in his ability to make an independent choice and conscious self-determination, which dominated in the practice of the Church of that times, the modernists defended the necessity to revitalize the authentic faith, deeply hidden in a human, to strengthen his religious aspirations and in such way to cherish a spirituality, because no conscious and morally responsible activities are not able without it. It was considered that if the Church would refuse the formalism and more rely on the possibilities of an individual to search independently and authentically the way to the God, it would attract many persons, having doubts of religion and even irreligious ones. In this way it would more widely open itself to the world and because of an acceptance of believers and unbelievers would really become the Mother for everybody. A priest is a main worker of the Church on the Earth, and the image of the Church in the society depends on his actions and the example set by his style of life. Because of this the modernists showed a discretion in a valuation of an involvement of priests and active participation of them in political and economic activities, full of great dangers. Simultaneously, they thought that a priest must be close to an individual and his everyday affairs. But he must pay the most attention to a development of spirituality of believers. So, the priest himself must spiritually grow and overcome his spiritual narrowness: he must stimulate growing of other persons and to grow together with them. The modernists evaluated the social influence of Catholicism and Church of those times according to the scale of high Evangelistic requirements and were not inclined to reconcile themselves with the dominating practice, caused by the specific realities of the life of the Church. Most modernists knew these problems and tried to eliminate them. But they understood that only a good will is not sufficient for a realization of the reforms and that a maturation and the corresponding preparation are necessary for them. This may be implemented by efforts of the Church and the believing society. It is true that the terrestrial garment of Catholicism and the church is important, but not the most important thing. Because of this they did not hurry to initiate the reforms. Irrespectively of this, the thoughts, expressed publicly by modernists, stimulated the heads of the Church to listen to them more attentively and respond to them.

Jaunosios kartos katalikų intelektualų požiūris į fašizmą ir nacionalsocializmą tarpukario Lietuvoje

Intellectual Catholic of young generation (such as A. Maceina, P. Dielininkaitis, F. Kemėsis, and others) perceived fascism and national-socialism as a phenomenon containing many social, political and economic ideas which caused an anxiety of the society. The young Catholics believed that the rise of this phenomenon was predetermined by the results of the World War I, which deepened the social and economic crisis as well as the crisis of democratic governance. The consequences of this crisis were mostly suffered by Italy and Germany. Exactly here the new standpoint on democracy, a state and its functioning was being formed. Trying to understand more deeply the origin and character of this phenomenon, the intellectual Catholic youth singled out two expressions of it - fascism and national-socialism. The latter (national- socialism) caused the most anxiety for them, because propagated specific conception of history. According to this conception the German (Nordic) race had to play the role of the Saviour of the Mankind. This salvation ought to be realized through a mass extermination of races of lower level, first of all, Jews. The theory of race inferiority preached by the Nazis and used by them as foundation of their activities, was antiscientific, and this was persuasively proved in the study of M. Reinys. It was also at variance with the doctrine of Catholic Church, because the state of Nazi “nationalized” the natural human rights and freedoms by assuming the right to determine the conditions and limits of a self-expression of an individual and simultaneously to dispose completely the spiritual life of the individual. So the state occupies the place of the Almighty. From the standpoint of the Christian doctrine asserting a freedom of an individual and the worth and undisposability of a person, such position was, of course, unacceptable to Catholics and was considered as a deviation guiding to a dictatorship. Intellectual Catholic youth interpreted Fascism as a political movement, aiming to establish the corporate model of state. They recognized that although the Fascist state completely subjugated an individual, depriving him of the freedoms cherished under conditions of democracy, it also committed itself to protect and ward the individual as a member of the specific corporation. They recognized that corporate management of public life considerably reduced the social tensions in fascist states, where the state put under control corporations directing them to serve for welfare of the whole state. Most important, it protected their interests within the state and abroad. The intellectual Catholic youth missed such assistance, especially to businessmen and farmers, in Lithuania governed by tautininkai, who had no clear program of social and economic development. At the same time, the youth saw an imperfection of the corporate model: a state was formed by the “top”, not taking into consideration freedom and self-determination of an individual. However, they supposed that the situation can be improved by individuals themselves. They hoped that the corporations, established in such way, in a course of time will be able to assume some functions of the state as well. So, the fascists interpreted corporations as a means to strengthen the power of the state and to extend its influence and intellectual Catholic youth considered them a way to reduce an omnipotence of the state pursuing its decentralization.

J. Ambraziejus – tautinės savimonės gaivintojas Vilniaus krašte

Activity and social views of Juozas Ambraziejus (1885-1915) are considered in the paper. Juozas Ambraziejus is said to represent a Catholic activist who took an active role in the fight against polonization and who called for national self-consciousness in Vilnius region. His conception of active patriotism is considered too. The rational organisation of economic activity is pointed to be the central element of the conception.