Veena Bhasin
University of Delhi
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Featured researches published by Veena Bhasin.
Journal of Social Sciences | 2004
Veena Bhasin
Methodical daily cleaning assist in maintaining healthy teeth. It dislodges bacterial plaque around teeth. Every culture has its own concepts of health sickness and health promotion depicting values beliefs knowledge and practices shared by its people. Alike all health problems dental and oral diseases are a product of economic social cultural environmental and behavioral factors. Poor hygiene poor nutrition and smoking contribute to dental and oral problems. In such matters learned behaviour (individual or collective) is of utmost importance which in turn is linked to environmental and socio-economic conditions. Studies have shown that health behavior is far removed from illness behavior and sick-role behaviour. Health behavior includes all activities undertaken individually or collectively for the purpose of prevention of diseases. Studies have been carried which point out the circumstances under which and why individuals health behavior shift towards prevention measures. The earlier studies were carried within frame work of the health belief model a paradigm for explaining promotive health behavior at the level of individual decision making. (excerpt)
Studies on Home and Community Science | 2007
Veena Bhasin
The tribal women, constitute like any other social group, about half of the total population. The tribal women, as women in all social groups, are more illiterate than men. Like others social groups, the tribal women share problems related to reproductive health. When primary and secondary subsistence activities are counted, women work more than men. Status of women varies in different societies. The conceptual framework to analyse women’s status comprise the seven roles women play in life and work: - parental, conjugal, domestic, kin, occupational, community and as an individual. In order to appraise the social status of women in these diverse ecological areas, the findings have been divided in to subsequent categories: - (a) a girl; daughter; a unmarried woman; (b) a married woman; (c) a widow; (d) divorcee; and (e) a barren woman. Role of women is not only of importance in economic activities, but her role in non-economic activities is equally important. The tribal women work very hard, in some cases even more than the men. All the tribal societies in the study area are patriarchal in which men dominate in public sector. However, in their own world women have a freedom, and a self-expression. With the onset of development programmes economic changes are taking place but tribal women remain traditional in their dress, language, tools and resources, because they grow food crops rather than cash crops. Modernisation is bringing changes, which affect men and women differently. India as a whole is characterised by sharp gender disparities, although women’s status varies considerably by region. On virtually all frontiers of human societal pursuits-economic, educational, scientific, legal, political, official, political and religious sphere Indian women suffer profoundly. For all time there are socio-cultural factors, which validate for the status of women in particular society. It is always culture (a set of collective experiences of ideas, norms, values and beliefs associated with a people) with its gender role inequalities and socialisation (the intricate process through which culture is transmitted from one generation to another) determines the position of women in a society. Gender roles are socially constructed. The family structure in India is patriarchal, patrilocal and patrilineal. Patriarchy denotes a culture of power relationship that promotes man’s supremacy and women subjugation. It encompasses institutional endorsement of man’s ascendancy within the family and other social structures. It justifies the normative process pertaining to the recognition and sustainability of his dominance in society. Consequently a boy is looked upon as the perpetuator of the family line, and a girl ‘a bird of passage’. The Indian family organisation makes discrimination between the sexes. It promotes a hierarchy of classification in which man centred issues take dominance where as women derive their personalities from their fathers’, husbands’, brothers’ and sons. With a secondary status, women play but a submissive role in social life. Despite several economic, political and social changes, women, are still far behind. One of the most unflattering statistics concerning India’s girl child shows that the preference for a son runs across rich as well as poor households, educated as well as illiterate families. Widespread use of modern technology, a joint failure of medical ethics and failure to shed concept of a male heir has pushed female foeticide to high proportions. Female foeticide is just one side of the vast anti-women behavioural range in India. The tragedy is that even women, who have the choice, opt for a male child. They feel that only with a birth of a son, they will achieve higher status.
Studies on Ethno-Medicine | 2007
Veena Bhasin
Abstract Medical anthropology looks at cultural conceptions of the body, health and illness. Medical anthropology is the study of ethno-medicine; explanation of illness and disease; what causes illness; the evaluation of health, illness and cure from both an emic and etic point of view; naturalistic and personalistic explanation , evil eye, magic and sorcery; biocultural and political study of health ecology; types of medical systems; development of systems of medical knowledge and health care and patient-practitioner relationships; political economic studies of health ideologies and integrating alternative medical systems in culturally diverse environments. Ethnomedicine also refers to the study of traditional medical practice. Theoretical classic-Medicine, Magic and Religion defined medicine as a cultural system. In Puerto Rico, spiritism offers a traditional alternative to community health services. Two systems of health care co-exist in Ecuador. Health care in India is charaterised by medical pluralism, including self care, consultations with traditional healers and/or primary health care services (PHCs) These medical systems are complementary, alternative and unconventional. In addition to codified traditional systems-Ayurvedic, Unani and Siddha there is ethno-medicine, religious healing and folk medicine. Indian medical policy is not based on traditional medicine alone. The state health programmes are well intended but lack anthropological consultation. To date, research into traditional medicine has been covered mainly by anthropology and it is suggested that other scientific disciplines should be incorporated in order to further rescue and revalue this part of the cultural heritage that has contributed substantially to human health and to the development of indigenous medical knowledge and its resources.
Journal of Social Sciences | 2002
Veena Bhasin
Abstract In this paper an attempt has been made is study the traditional medical system among tribals of Rajasthan. The traditional medicinal care practiced in the area having both herbal as well as ritual from of curing is not considered important by official agencies. The cultural importance of ritual cure and and role of medicinal plants (their properties as they relate to healing, their symbolic values and their procurement from environment) in the traditional medical system of tribals is of great value. It can be seen from the appendix I that there are large number of illnesses where oral application of herbal preparations are a frequent part of the treatment (e.g) fever, dysenteny diarrhoea, Malaria, cough and cold, eye ailments, Gainea worm (Nadu), stomachache etc). But, at some point the triabls see the limits of such phytotherapeutic forms of treatment. Any illness that is associated with severe pain, long lasting and is not responding to any herb requires help of the supernatural. The tribals relater their ritual needs to supernatural powers and ask for help and forgiveness. The state sponsored medical system do not look “at indigenous medicne” as a whole and fail to see the sociocultural basis of its uses.
Studies on Ethno-Medicine | 2008
Veena Bhasin
Abstract Patients seek cures from a variety of medical systems. In the traditional medical systems, medical traditions partly cover other sectors of social life. In contrast to traditional health care system, the official health care system is based on Western science and technology. Gaddis employ different ways in case of sickness. Traditional medical knowledge is coded in to household cooking practices, home remedies; ill health prevention and health maintenance beliefs and routines. Like other rural parts of India, health care in Bharmour among Gaddis is characterised by medical pluralism. Among Gaddis, the health care includes self care, consultation with traditional healers- chela; and/or primary health care. Spirit possession is acknowledged as an illness among Gaddis. The cause is a spirit, the effect is spirit possession and the cure is controlled spirit possession. Among Gaddis, deities and evil spirits possess men as well as women. It is believed by Gaddis that traditional medical system is competent of restoring health of the body (herbs) or the mind (chela). Modern education, technology, biomedicine has not threatened the traditional therapeutic healing as there are no alternatives. The integration of the two systems is conceptual. These systems just co-exist, side-by-side. To dismiss traditional medical systems as ineffective or weak is to overlook their relevance and benefits in the contexts of their socio-cultural systems. At the same the shortcomings of modern medical systems: their technical complexity, rising costs, curative rather than preventive focus, and limited accessibility for large population sectors can not be overlooked.
Journal of Biodiversity | 2012
Veena Bhasin
Abstract All societies are involved in the process of social change. The study of socio-cultural change is the systematic study of variation in social and cultural change. However, in societies there are structures and processes which are more prone to change while there are others that are resilient to change. The structures which do not change are social continuities. The efforts to improve or bring development cannot ignore culture. The very process of socialisation is one in which cultural knowledge is constantly transmitted, acquired, and produced. Cultural beliefs and values shape what occurs within formal education systems. Economic and political changes are often expressed in cultural terms. Meanwhile, culture also works as a force to reshape the environment and therefore influences economic and political systems. Anthropological perspectives on cultural continuity and change can thus make critical contributions to more informed and enlightened policies and practices in the new millennium. The study centres on the two prominent groups of the Bhutias-the Lachenpas and Lachungpas who are settled in two river valleys of Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung practiced marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goat rearing as a part of their subsistence. Maintenance of such herds was possible only through a skillful organisation of the migratory movements to avail pastures in certain niche or at certain times in the particular environment of the region. High up on the northern borders, marginal agriculture and animal husbandry was not sufficient to sustain the population, so the people of Lachen and Lachung indulged in marginal trading activities with Tibetans across the borders. The barter of timber, wood, dyestuffs and dairy products of that region for Tibetan salt and wool formed the basis of this trade. The people of Lachen and Lachung pursued it as an occupation intimately interwoven with their pastoral activities. Thus, as long as trade was unhampered by political restrictions, it enabled them to remain economically independent. However, with the closing of the Tibetan border in 1962, social life changed for these people. Since the closure of the transborder trade they are facing several problems. The Bhutias have tried to solve these problems with their traditional social organisation. The key aspects of social organisation, transhumant production system, continuity and change among the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung have been discussed in this study. Units such as the household, the village or busti,encampments, and dzumshadefined by predominantly local interaction patterns between kinsmen and friends are the most important institutions which anchored theses Bhutias to a specific community and territory. This traditional organisation (dzumsha) has a formal set up to show an example of social cohesion between the people with range of activities. Dzumsha, which has been under operation for over 600 years, controls resources and looks after conservation of resources, pasture management for grazing, conflict resolution, social and community mobilisation, traditions and local governance.
The Anthropologist | 2004
Veena Bhasin
Abstract The general health services have a major role to play in detecting and treating STDs cases. Diagnoses of STDs in women entail efficient general health services. Effective medical services, which evoke confidence and trust, are essential pre-requisites for this. No health services can gain credibility among its clients if it provides RH care but does not treat other common conditions such as fevers and diarrheas. Adopting a public health approach to reproductive health care and STIS, within the context of Primary Health Care. Reproductive health needs are a subset of women’s broader health needs, and needs to be approached as such. There is no other way one can improve upon women’s reproductive health and alleviation of STIs in isolation from her overall welfare. It would be better to rely on holistic and integrated rather than on technical solutions
Journal of Human Ecology | 2004
Veena Bhasin
Abstract The present study aims to investigate the economic pursuits and activities that Damors-a tribal group of Rajasthan ensue for their survival. How these low-income tribal families in southern Rajasthan survive with small hilly landholdings, fewer sources of irrigation, traditional agricultural technology, unemployment and underemployments and strategies they adopt to make their ends meet. The present study analyzes resource conflicts among Damors and practices use to resolve them. It is assumed that the condition of these tribals and their continued survival in these environments is typical for most of the tribals in southern Rajasthan. The present position and conditions of the Damors is not an accidental affair. It has evolved because of the operation of several forces in the past. However reconstruction of tribal history has often been a difficult task, because they lack written records of their activities. Unequal distribution of land and instruments of production, unequal distribution of income and the rate of exploitation of labour characterizes the difference between tribal and non-tribal communities that inhabit southern Rajasthan. These iniquities are associated with the forces of money lending on the one hand, and political power, education etc., on the other hand. The dominant castes have better access to the co-operative and bank credit and subsidies, while the tribals tend to rely on non-institutional credit nexus.
Journal of Social Sciences | 2002
Veena Bhasin
Abstract Anthropological studies have been carried out in the field of ethnicity, ethnic relation and ethnic groups. In the traditional anthropological studies the tribe, race and ethnic groups were considered fundamental for classification of human populations which existed to distinct, integrated social units whose boundaries were clear and disdain. Later anthropological research has been carried taking into account the nature and persistence of ethnic boundaries, incorporation of ethnic populations, organization of inter ethnic relations and consequent competition of resource distribution. The present paper attempts to analyse the social relations among different ethnic groups inhabiting Sikkim state, their place in the total environment, their relations to resources and other stakeholders.
Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology | 2011
Veena Bhasin
Abstract The present study revolves around the women of three pastoral transhumant societies, Gaddis of Bharmour of Himachal Pradesh, Bhutias of Lachen and Lahung of Sikkim, and Changpa of Changthang of Ladakh. Women are backbone of the economics’ structure, as the production system is much dependent on them. The role and status of women vary according to the traditions of cultural group. Transhumant pastoral societies depend for sustenance on livestock herding and use of pasturelands. Due to certain specificities like accessibility, fragility, marginality, diversity or heterogeneity; life in general is tougher for women among transhumant pastoralists. The pastoral production activities implicate the services of both sexes, but women’s involvement varies in different culture-ecological conditions. Women play a central role in the pastoralist way of life, providing labour for the various tasks with regard to the livestock, the land and the household. The pastoral societies have been largely seen to be male dominated in which men have economic, social, political and cultural powers special to men. Patriarchy denotes a culture of power relationship that promotes man’s supremacy Among Gaddis, the household consists of one elementary family of a man, his wife and their children, with the occasional addition of unmarried, widowed, or divorced relatives who would be otherwise alone in their house or wife and children of married son family. Conventionally fraternal polyandry, primogenitor and monasticism were part of a traditional culture among the Changpas and Bhutias to overcome economic and demographic problems. Regional isolation helped to retain the traditional socio-economic system until the winds of change swept in.. In pastoral societies, both men and women share the economic activities but they do not share the burden equally or in the same ways. Pastoral women suffer two kinds of desecrations: those that all pastoralists share regardless of gender, and those that are specific to women. The women in study areas contribute more labour for smooth running of the household than men do. The Gaddi and Bhutia women have been playing a very important role in their economy. In these traditional pastoral communities, the women have an important role to play. Gender principles are central to the organisation of traditional communities. Emphasis on gender, a relational concept provides opportunities for looking at full range of social and cultural institutions, which reproduce gender hierarchies and gender-based inequalities. The cultural interpretation of gender is central to the identity and status of women that entails web of relationships