Vered Noam

The Dual Strategy of Rabbinic Purity Legislation

An examination of Tannaic sources uncovers a dual strategy regarding the bounds of non-priestly purity. On the one hand, it was common during the period of the Second Temple and thereafter to exercise extreme caution in keeping impurity away even from the profane. On the other hand, however, the sages acted overtly to maintain a clear distinction between the theoretical-biblical concept of ritual impurity, which was steadily limited to the sacred, and the much more stringent customs they lived by. The article argues that, contrary to what has been accepted in the literature, there never existed any disagreement on this issue in the rabbinic world.

The Story of King Jannaeus (b. Qiddušin 66a): A Pharisaic Reply to Sectarian Polemic

As is well known, no Pharisaic document has survived. What we know of this Jewish faction has been transmitted through the mediation of other, frequently hostile, factions, or later sources. The sudden discovery of a Pharisaic document hidden in a cave somewhere would certainly arouse profound interest and excitement. In what follows, I would like to propose that the story of the rupture between King Jannaeus and the Pharisees recounted in b. Qiddusin 66a is actually such a discovery, except that it was not concealed in a sealed jar but rather embedded in the Babylonian Talmud (BT).

Qumran And The Rabbis On Corpse-Impurity: Common Exegesis—Tacit Polemic

Comparative study of the Qumran literature and the tannaitic midrashim may yield surprising results such as the reconstruction of ancient layers of pre-tannaitic halakhic midrash, an enriched understanding of the growth of early halakha, and insight into sectarian interpretative polemics from the Second Temple period. Each of these is illustrated in this chapter, an investigation of laws of corpse-impurity in Qumran literature and in the two halakhic midrashim for Numbers, the Sifre Numbers and the Sifre Zuta on Numbers. The impurity of a limb from a living body is fundamental to the rabbinic laws of corpse impurity, and is found frequently in tannaitic halakha. An exegesis quoted in the chapter is based on the repeated mention of touching a bone. Qumran texts often lack clear signs of polemic or of scriptural reference. A comparison with rabbinic midrashim can nonetheless reveal obscured interpretative disputes generated by conflicting stances. Keywords: Qumran literature; rabbinic laws; second temple period; tannaitic halakhic midrash

Stringency in Qumran: A Reassessment

The attribution of stringency to the Qumranites is prevalent in scholarly research. Indeed it is indisputable that the Sect generally adopts stringent positions, compared to rabbinic halakah. However, closer examination indicates that Qumranic law reflects simple, necessary inferences from Scripture itself, whereas the Tannaitic leniency represents a surprisingly revolutionary divergence from the plain meaning of Scripture. The paper surveys several cases in which the bold and exceptional nature of Tannaitic legislation cannot serve as a criterion for evaluating the stringency of Sectarian law. It goes on to review other instances, where the very same traditions formed the basis of Qumranic as well as rabbinic regulation, except that the latter restricted their scope. The third group of examples shows that it was precisely the unrefined, simple character of Qumranic law, in comparison with the conceptual sophistication of Tannaitic halakah, that occasionally led to the opposite result, in which the Tannaitic halakah was strict, and the Sectarian law lenient. In sum, the strictness of Qumranic law is not “objective” but relative. The understanding that sectarian law reflects a series of inductions not altogether removed from the simple sense of Scripture facilitates a more accurate appreciation of the depth of Tannaitic halakahs groundbreaking leniency.

The Origin of the List of David's Songs in "David's Compositions"

Near the end of the Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (11QPs a, XXVII) there appears an exceptional paragraph written in prose that deals with the praises of King David and lists the number of psalms and songs he wrote. This paragraph, known as ‘David’s Compositions’, has been discussed at length in the scholarly literature because of its twofold importance: (a) many scholars have viewed it as a key to the understanding of the origin, the arrangement and the status of the Psalms Scroll in general; (b) it clearly reflects the solar calendar used by its compilers. The list of songs (unlike the number of “psalms”: “Psalms three thousand and six hundred” mentioned separately before) which David wrote “to sing before the altar” on the days of the year and on festi-