Walter Emil Kaegi

Initial Byzantine Reactions to the Arab Conquest

Numerous competent studies have appeared on Christian apologetics—both Byzantine and Western Medieval—against Islam. A significant gap, however, remains. The Byzantines, of course, first encountered Islam because of the Arab conquest in the second and third quarters of the seventh century. Yet the earliest known Byzantine apologist against Islam is Saint John Damascene in the eighth century. But what initial impression did the Arab conquest and Islam make upon seventh-century Byzantine contemporaries? The seventh-century Byzantine sources on Byzantine reactions to the Arab conquest are scarce, inconveniently located, and insufficiently studied. There is no known individual Byzantine tract of the seventh century devoted specifically to the problem of Islam and/or the Arab conquest. But even though seventh-century sources are relatively rare—on any subject—by a close reading of those which are available one can glean some interesting and, in my opinion, important indications concerning Byzantine reactions to the Arab conquest. Obviously such a major historical event as the loss of Egypt, Palestine and Syria would greatly have impressed the Byzantines and would have caused them to ponder its significance.

Confronting Islam: Emperors Versus Caliphs (641–c. 850)

introduction Two features characterise Byzantine–Muslim relations between the seventh and ninth century: a finely tuned link between domestic strife and the external fortunes of war and diplomacy; and the fitful involvement of both polities’ leaders with their armed forces, without exercise of personal command. The Arabs’ dramatic conquest of Byzantium’s eastern territories in the 630s was followed by four further periods of Muslim expansion; by gradual stabilisation; and then by Byzantine strengthening and eventual territorial recovery. The four periods of Muslim expansion were all brought to an end by bouts of civil war ( fitna ) among the Muslims, the first lasting from 656 until 661. The second expansionary period under the Sufyanid Umayyad caliphs was followed by almost ten years of civil war, from 683 until 692; the third, under the Marwanid caliphs – the final branch of the Umayyad dynasty – was broken by infighting for some two years between 718 and 720, only to be followed by a twenty further years or so of aggressive campaigning. The violent replacement of the Umayyads by the Abbasids in the mid-eighth century owed nothing to Byzantium, nor did it halt military and diplomatic interaction between the two polities; but it did transform Arab–Byzantine relations. the parameters of conflict The most vulnerable period for Byzantium came immediately after the disastrous battle of the river Yarmuk in 636, during the imperial succession crisis triggered by Heraclius’ death in 641 and in the earliest years of his successor Constans II (641–68) (see above, pp. 230–1). After the withdrawal of their armies from Syria and northern Mesopotamia, the Byzantines had managed to regroup by the late 630s and early 640s and create new Anatolian defences, taking advantage of the Taurus mountains and key fortified points in the interior. Although limited truces had previously been struck with the Arabs, no formal, linear frontier was ever established and hostilities persisted. Fortunately for the Byzantines, the Muslims had priorities elsewhere.

Muhammad: Islam's First Great General (review)

century. And fi nally, Dignas and Winter too readily accept the letters and titulature of the Persian kings featured in the Roman sources as being more or less authentic (for example, 238–9), when such titles should really be treated with greater caution. Nevertheless, on most of the points they treat, the authors provide a sound assessment. Although the short glossary (273–81) presents a rather odd selection of thirtyfour terms and place names, the other appendices, indices, and the updated bibliography are very useful and will serve the reader well. Since the German publication, a lot of work has been carried out in this fi eld, and some important studies, for example those by R. Gyselen, A. Panaino, or A. Gariboldi, are absent from the bibliography. But on the whole, this work is a valuable contribution to the study of Roman-Sasanian relations. Anyone interested in Late Antiquity will surely profi t from consulting it.

A Theory of History and Society, with Special Reference to the Chronographia of Michael Psellus; 11th Century Byzantium

A theory of history and society : with special reference to the Chronographia of Michael Psellus ; 11th century Byzantium