Wayne S. Murray

Serial mechanisms in lexical access: the rank hypothesis.

There is general agreement that the effect of frequency on lexical access time is roughly logarithmic, although little attention has been given to the reason for this. The authors argue that models of lexical access that incorporate a frequency-ordered serial comparison or verification procedure provide an account of this effect and predict that the underlying function directly relates access time to the rank order of words in a frequency-ordered set. For both group data and individual data, it is shown that rank provides a better fit to the data than does a function based on log frequency. Extensions to a search model are proposed that account for error rates and latencies and the effect of age of acquisition, which is interpreted as an effect of cumulative frequency.

Spatial Coding in the Processing of Anaphor by Good and Poor Readers: Evidence from Eye Movement Analyses:

An experiment that examined the way in which young readers deployed eye movements while reading sentences and while answering questions containing either a pronominal or noun anaphor is reported. To evaluate the possible causal role played by differences in inspection strategies between readers of above- and below-average reading skill, a third“age control” group of younger children was also tested. This group was matched on absolute reading ability with the less skilled group of older children, and on relative reading ability (i.e. reading quotient) with the more skilled group. Differences in inspection strategy were apparent between the groups of good and poor readers. Good readers launched more selective reinspections, whereas the poorer readers were more inclined to engage in“backtracking” and appeared to make less use of the displayed text. In every case there was a marked similarity in the behaviour of the good readers and the“age controls”. These results suggest that the ability to code the spatial location of words in a sentence, and, where necessary, to use this information to launch accurately targetted selective reinspections of previously read text, plays a crucial role in the development of skilled reading performance.

Parsing complements: Comments on the generality of the principle of minimal attachment

Abstract Two experiments are described in this paper, which examine the processing of English sentences containing “complement” verbs, and which may be followed either by a nounphrase, as a direct object, or by a complement clause. It has been claimed by Frazier and Rayner (1982) that subjects are “garden-pathed” when reading reduced complements (lacking the overt complemetiser), and that this fact is strong evidence in support of the application of the principle of “Minimal Attachment” as a universal property of the human parser. Holmes, Kennedy, and Murray (1987) questioned this conclusion by providing evidence that full and reduced complements present equivalent problems, probably because of their greater structural complexity. Rayner and Frazier (1987) disputed this conclusion, ascribing it to an artefact resulting from the use of a self-paced reading task. The first experiment examines this controversy with a replication of the study by Holmes et al., measuring eye movements as the sentences are proc...

Early, Mandatory, Pragmatic Processing

The experiment reported in this paper used a delayed same/different sentence matching task with concurrent measurement of eye movements to investigate three questions: whether pragmatic plausibility effects are restricted to certain phrasal environments; how rapidly such effects are shown in on-line sentence processing; and whether they are a product of optional, high-level, inferential processes. The results clearly show that plausibility effects are not restricted to low–level phrasal units and that they appear to arise as a necessary consequence of the process responsible for deriving basic sentence meaning. The rapid and highly localized nature of the effects supports a view of sentence processing involving incremental interpretation of the earliest available syntactic representations. We argue that the apparently mandatory nature of plausibility effects, coupled with their insensitivity to repetition context, presents difficulties for both modular and interactive views of sentence processing.

Prosodic form and parsing commitments

This paper examines the question of whether there are effects of prosody on the syntactic parsing of temporarily ambiguous sentences containing complement verbs. It reports the results of five experiments employing cross-modal response tasks where the visually presented target word was either an ‘appropriate’ or an ‘inappropriate’ continuation in terms of the prosodic form of the preceeding auditory sentence fragment. Two experiments employing cross-modal naming only showed indications of sensitivity to syntactic and appropriateness manipulations when coupled with a simultaneous appropriateness judgment task. In contrast, the experiments employing cross-modal lexical decision showed greater sensitivity to syntactic and appropriateness effects. However, while the results from these studies replicated our earlier auditory parsing results and provided support for the suggestion that there are differences in visual and auditory parsing processes and for a ‘constituent-based,’ ‘minimal commitment’ type auditory parser, none of the studies demonstrated an effect of prosodic form on the parsing process.

Syntactic structure and the garden path

The experiment investigated locally ambiguous English sentences containing “complement” verbs such as believe, which can be followed either by a direct object or by a complement clause. These two sentence types were compared with unambiguous sentences in which the complement clause was introduced by the word that. Subjects processed numerous examples of these sentences in a word-by-word self-paced reading task. At the disambiguation point after the ambiguous noun phrase, longer reading times were obtained for reduced complement constructions compared with direct object sentences. Such an effect has been attributed to the operation of the parsing principle Minimal Attachment (Frazier and Rayner, 1982). This principle predicts that subjects assume falsely that the noun phrase after the complement verb in the reduced complement constructions is the direct object, resulting in the need for subsequent structural reanalysis. However, longer times in the disambiguating zone were also found for the unambiguous that complements. Thus, the complexity difference seems not to represent “garden-pathing” as a result of the operation of Minimal Attachment, but may instead reflect the extra complexity caused by having to handle two sets of clausal relations instead of just one.

Spatial coordinates and reading: comments on Monk (1985)

Subjects are able to process some texts when they are presented, word-by-word, in a single physical location. As differential spatial information is not available in this task, Monk (1985a) argues that it need not be derived in normal reading. We suggest this conclusion is unwarranted, because subjects make large and very accurate regressive saccades to regions of previously fixated text. Without a representation of spatial coordinates this should not occur.

Frequency and predictability effects in the Dundee Corpus: An eye movement analysis

Analyses carried out on a large corpus of eye movement data were used to comment on four contentious theoretical issues. The results provide no evidence that word frequency and word predictability have early interactive effects on inspection time. Contrary to some earlier studies, in these data there is little evidence that properties of a prior word generally spill over and influence current processing. In contrast, there is evidence that both the frequency and the predictability of a word in parafoveal vision influence foveal processing. In the case of predictability, the direction of the effect suggests that more predictable parafoveal words produce longer foveal fixations. Finally, there is evidence that information about word class modulates processing over a span greater than a single word. The results support the notion of distributed parallel processing.

The effects of flicker on eye movement control

Groups of typists with extensive experience of screen-based editing and groups of students with no such experience carried out a reading task under three conditions of illumination (50-Hz flicker, 100-Hz flicker, and steady illumination). Subjects read a sentence, which was followed by the presentation of a single stimulus word on the same line to the right-hand side of the display. The task was to decide whether or not the stimulus was present in the sentence. Subjects were free to re-inspect the sentence when making the decision. Eye movements were measured as subjects completed the task. In comparison with students, typists adopted a more cautious reading style, making more right-to-left saccades, shorter saccades, and more corrective eye movements. Flicker affected the performance of both groups of subjects in the first pass, leading to shorter saccades. In the second pass, its effect for students was to shorten the extent of large saccades made to check the presence of the stimulus word. In the group of typists, flicker led to an increase in the variability of saccade extent and a doubling in the number of small corrective saccades. The results are consistent with the view that flicker has two distinct effects on reading, both of which are potentially disruptive. The first relates to an increase in the number of prematurely triggered saccades, which are, as a result, less accurate. The second is an increase in the number of saccades perturbed in flight, which land short of their intended target. These two mechanisms may have different consequences for readers, depending on their reading style.

Parafoveal pragmatics revisited

The results of two experiments are reported, examining eye movements as participants read the initial sentence in a sentence‐matching task. The sentences employed had a NP1‐verb‐NP2 construction and the pragmatic plausibility of the relationship between the verb and the two nouns was independently manipulated. The aim of the first experiment was to investigate the claim that the plausibility of a NP1‐verb relationship influences reading time on NP1 even before the verb is directly inspected. The data confirm the existence of such “parafoveal pragmatic” effects, but suggest that sublexical properties of the particular nouns employed may also exert a parafoveal effect on foveal processing. Experiment 2 was carried out as a control. A contingent presentation procedure ensured that the critical verb remained masked until it was directly inspected. Parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects exerted by the verb were removed by this procedure, although effects relating to properties of the nouns remained. The results confirm the presence of processing interactions involving sublexical properties of the two nouns, even though these were quite widely separated. Overall, the results of the two experiments suggest that, for this task, there is a genuine parafoveal‐on‐foveal effect attributable to purely pragmatic relationships involving the initial noun and verb in the sentences employed. In addition, there is evidence of longer range parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects of orthographic properties of the words employed.