William Brustein
University of Minnesota
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Journal of Studies in International Education | 2007
William Brustein
Confronted with a world that is strikingly different from what it was just a decade ago, the United States faces rapidly shifting economic, political, and national security realities and challenges. To respond to these changes it is essential that our institutions of higher education graduate globally competent students. This article addresses several major challenges confronting international educators within the United States including redesigning the curriculum, achieving faculty buy-in, financing study abroad, integrating our international students in the efforts to internationalize our campus, and rethinking how we teach foreign languages on our campuses.
American Journal of Sociology | 1980
Michael Hechter; William Brustein
The rise of the modern territorial state in early modern western Europe was a spatially skewed process. An endogenous model of the uneven pattern of 16th-century state formation is presented. It holds that the geographical distribution of the first modern state structures was largely determined by preexisting regional differences of social and economic organization, differences emanating from the 12th century if not earlier. The model specifies that three distinct regional modes of production existed in 12th-century western Europe. These postulated forms of social organization are designated as the sedentary pastoral, petty commodity, and feudal modes of production. The optimal preconditions for the initial formation of modern states were to be found only in those regions dominated by the feudal mode of production. The paper concludes with a discussion of some methodological and theoretical implications of these findings.
International Political Science Review | 2004
William Brustein; Ryan D. King
It is commonly accepted that the years 1899–1939 represent a highpoint in anti-Semitism in western societies. What factors account for the wave of extraordinary anti-Semitism after 1899? Was the rise of anti-Semitism between 1899 and the Holocaust uneven? Did anti-Semitism vary in content and intensity across societies? Did Germans embrace anti-Semitism differently from French, Italian, Romanian, and British citizens? Data drawn from the annual volumes of the American Jewish Year Book are used to examine these questions systematically. Pooled time-series analyses suggest that variation in anti-Semitism over time and across countries was largely a function of economic conditions and Jewish immigration, and to a limited extent of the rise of leftist parties.
American Sociological Review | 1988
William Brustein
Though Italy and Germany furnish the best known cases of fascisms political geography between the two World Wars, one of the more intriguing and less known examples of regional variation in fascist strength occurred in Belgium. In the 1936 Belgian legislative elections, the fascist Rexist movement captured over 30 percent of the popular vote in the province of Luxembourg, compared to only 9 percent in Hainaut. This study applies a general theory of regionalism to the case of Belgian fascism. The data support the papers hypothesis that divergent regional patterns of Belgian voting in 1936 can be largely ascribed to the existence of particular modes of production that were responsible for distinctive regional constellations of interests.
Politics & Society | 1981
William Brustein
arc deluged with divergent accounts of why a particular area of the country voted as it did. For example, the Old South’s tradition of voting Democratic has been variously ascribed to the Civil War legacy, the relative impoverishment of the area, and the race issue.1 Regional patterns of voting exist not only in the U.S. but in areas as diverse as India’s Bengal region and Italy’s Vlc~~ogiorno. This paper explores political regionalism in France. It will seek to demonstrate that French political regionalism stems from the constellations of interests that are in turn produced by distinctive regional modes of production. It is widely accepted that the French political landscape has been marked by political regionalism. Goguel cogently demonstrated its persistence in France from the second half of the nineteenth century to 1950.2 For example, Western France, comprised of Britanny, the Pays de la Loire, and Lower Normandy, has consistently voted right since 1849; the Midi, consisting of Mediterranean Languedoc, Roussillon, and Provence, has invariably voted left.3 However, in spite of the
Social Forces | 2004
William Brustein; Ryan D. King
We empirically examine variation in anti-Semitic acts and attitudes in Romania and Bulgaria before the Holocaust. In Romania, where Jews comprised a large proportion of the middle class and were associated with the leadership of the communist party, anti-Semitism increased when economic conditions worsened. Further, Romanian anti-Semitism increased when the size of the Jewish population increased, but only at times when the leftist parties were gaining strength. These findings did not replicate for Bulgaria, where Jews were neither holders of significant wealth nor associated with the leadership of the communist left. The theoretical implications for anti-Semitism and for structural accounts of prejudice are discussed.
Theory and Society | 1985
William Brustein
SummaryI argue that distinctive regional modes of production entailed divergent configurations of interests and differing degrees of mutual dependence between peasants and landlords. Class-collaborative rebellions correlate highly with a mode of production that makes for cooperative interests and interclass dependence, while class-conflict rebellions correlate highly with a mode of production that makes for antagonistic interests and interclass independence. But class-collaboration was unlikely without a target, which the state provided. Yet the state became the target in subsistence regions where the lack of markets made the raising of tax revenues particularly difficult and where subsistence classes were not dependent on the state for markets and, therefore, had little incentive to cooperate with the state. On the other hand, in regions with a commercial mode of production, raising tax revenues was less burdensome and classes tended to be dependent on the state for markets and, therefore, less likely to engage in antistate collective action.The data appear to support my models predictions. The model fits best for England where, as predicted, class-collaboration rebellions took place in subsistence regions while class-conflict rebellions occurred in commercial regions. The model does less well for France and Spain. In France, most class-collaboration collective action happened in subsistence regions, though few class-conflict rebellions occurred in commercial regions, while the most intense class-conflict revolt of all took place in Lower Brittany - a mixed region. In Spain, class-antagonistic collective action occurred in commercial regions, especially Castile, while rebellions in other commercial regions displayed both class-cooperative and class-antagonistic aspects. In Spains subsistence regions, there is little evidence of any collective action between 1500 and 1700. In Andalusia, finally, a mixed region, little collective action took place at all, which fits the models prediction.In brief, though the mode of production may explain the relation between a form of agrarian rebellion and a particular kind of region, it does not explain variations in the incidence of rebellion either between the three nations or between regions with similar modes of production. These crucial issues will be addressed in a future paper.W. Brustein and M. Levi, “Rulers, Rebels, and Regions 1500–1700,” unpublished paper (University of Utah and University of Washington, 1984).
East European Politics and Societies | 2004
William Brustein; Ryan D. King
The considerable difference between Bulgaria and Romania with regards to Jews and anti-Semitism makes for an intriguing case study, and the available evidence thus far appears to challenge prominent theories of European anti-Semitism. Why did Bulgaria protect its Jews despite its alliance with Nazi Germany during WWII, while anti-Semitism flourished in Romania? Were these countries equally as distinct with regards to anti-Semitism prior to the rise of European fascism? If so, how great was the difference in popular anti-Semitism in the two countries, and how might the differences be explained? In this article, the authors attempt to address the latter two questions by examining Bulgarian and Romanian anti-Semitism prior to WWII. They seek to show that popular anti-Semitism in Bulgaria was noticeably scant between 1899 and 1939 while rather extensive in Romania during the same period, attempt to illustrate where existing theories of anti-Semitism have trouble explaining the cases of Bulgaria and Romania, and propose an eclectic theory to account for societal variation in anti-Semitism.
Contemporary Sociology | 1997
Richard F. Hamilton; William Brustein
An integral power steering gear in which the valve mechanism comprises a rotary valve including a sintered metal valve sleeve. The valve sleeve is formed of two separate sintered metal elements bonded together to provide a unitary structure. Cooperating and locking and bonding protuberances and recesses are formed on the mating faces of the two elements to include axially extending bonding surfaces which intersect the inner bore of the sleeve. Frequently grooves are formed in the cylindrical bore of the sleeve at the intersection of the abutting surfaces and the bore as the surfaces extend circumferentially or cylindrically about the bore. However, it has been found that such grooves do not occur along the axially extending abutting surfaces and, therefore, the axially extending abutting surfaces prevent leakage.
Contemporary Sociology | 1984
William Brustein; Perez Zagorin
rebels and rulers 150