William Claggett

Race-Related Differences in Self-Reported and Validated Turnout

Black Americans are less likely to participate in politics than white Americans are, but many studies argue that low levels of black participation result solely from racial differences in socioeconomic status. Analyses of the 1964, 1976, 1978, and 1980 SRC-CPS election surveys show that racial differences in reported turnout are greatly reduced or even reversed when controls for region and level of education are introduced. However, substantially different results obtain when turnout is measured by the SRC-CPS voter validation studies in which local registration and voting records are used to measure individual-level participation: the zero-order differences in turnout are larger, and controls for region and level of education only moderately reduce these differences. Analyses of the voter validation data suggest that blacks are less likely to vote than similarly situated whites.

Nationalization of the American Electorate

The conceptual meaning of and the empirical evidencefor the nationalization of the American electorate is explored. Two conceptually distinct dimensions of nationalization are identified: nationalization in terms of a convergence in the level of partisan support across geographical subunits of the electorate, and nationalization in terms of a uniformity of response by geographical units to political forces. Empirical estimates for both types of nationalization are derived for the American electorate for the period from 1842 to 1970. Unlike previous scholars, we find no trend toward increasing nationalization of the vote. Possible reasons for this lack of nationalization of the vote are suggested.

Race-Related Differences in Self-Reported and Validated Turnout in 1984

Black Americans are less likely to participate in politics than white Americans are, but many students of political participation have argued that these differences result solely from racial differences in socioeconomic status. We questioned these conclusions by analyzing vote validation studies in which local registration and voting records were used to measure electoral participation. We also suggested that racial differences in turnout might be decreasing, and that controls for socioeconomic status and region might eliminate or reverse racial differences in future elections, even if participation were measured with the validated data. The 1984 SRC-CPS vote validation study is used to update our findings. Our expectations about the decline of racial differences were not fulfilled. Rather, the 1984 results are essentially similar to those we reported earlier: Racial differences in turnout are larger when the validated vote is used to measure electoral participation, and differences remain even after controls for region and level of education are introduced.

Racial Differences in Self-Reported and Validated Turnout in the 1988 Presidential Election

Our previous analyses of the 1964, 1976, 1978, 1980, 1984, and 1986 vote validation studies questioned the conclusion that low levels of electoral participation by blacks result solely from racial differences in socioeconomic status and because blacks are more likely than whites to live in the South. The 1988 NES vote validation study is used to update our findings, and the results are consistent with our previous analyses. Although controls for region and level of education eliminate racial differences in reported electoral participation, significant racial differences remain when participation is measured by the vote validation procedures. In addition, the 1988 NES survey suggests that racial differences in both reported and validated turnout increased in 1988, and we speculate on the reasons that black turnout declined in the 1988 presidential election.

Recruitment and political participation

Political elites spend considerable resources on recruitment activities. Existing research generally concludes that these activities are effective, but also suggests that political elites recruit strategically But strategic recruitment may undermine the impact of recruitment on participation if political elites use past participation as an indicator of the ability and willingness of individuals to respond to recruitment efforts since recruitment may then be directed toward individuals who would have participated without recruitment. Furthermore, the existing research fails to capture many recruitment efforts. It also has employed recruitment variables measuring requests for a political act different from the act used as the dependent variable. As a result, the actual effect of recruitment on participation is still in doubt. Using more appropriate data we demonstrate that recruitment of all types is shaped by past participation. However, while controlling for past participation does reduce the impact of recruitment on political participation being asked to take part or give money does expand political participation.

The Quality of Record Keeping and Racial Differences in Validated Turnout

The election administration studies and the vote validation studies conducted as part of the 1986 and 1988 National Election Studies are employed to determine whether the tendency of blacks more often to overreport voting than whites results from the poor quality of record keeping in election offices where black registration and voting records are maintained. Both objective indicators of record-keeping quality and the subjective assessments by the Survey Research Center field staff are employed. The analysis suggests that the tendency of blacks to overreport voting does not result from inferior record keeping in areas where blacks live.

The Modes of Participation Revisited, 1980-2004

In a series of publications, Verba and Nie and their coauthors argued that participatory acts vary along a number of dimensions, and that acts having similar dimensional profiles would constitute distinct modes of participation (Verba and Nie 1972; Verba, Nie, and Kim 1971, 1978; Verba, et al., 1973). In the realm of electoral participation, these investigators postulated two modes, voting and campaigning. Campaigning was thought to encompass a variety of behaviors, including working for a candidate or party, trying to persuade someone how to vote, and making a campaign contribution. A new dimensional typology, presented here, predicts that working in a campaign and contributing to political actors constitute separate modes of participation. We confirm these predictions by performing confirmatory factor analyses of participation items from the 1980-2004 American National Election Studies. We also find that vote persuasion is best modeled as a measure of political discussion.

Political Leadership and the Development of Political Cleavages: Imperial Germany, 1871-1912

We develop surrogate measures for the mutual proximity of parties. Taken as a whole, these proximities constitute a system of political cleavages. The study follows the German system of political cleavages as it evolved 1781-1912 and gives special attention to the relative importance of (1) social and grass-roots sources of the system and (2) the role of national political leadership in shaping it. We conclude that both are involved in developing the system through an interactive process.

Reported and Validated Voter Registration

This research article assessed the validity of self-reports of registration status using the Survey Research Center-Center for Political Studies (SRC-CPS) vote validation studies. Overall, reported registration rates exceeded validated registration rates by approximately 5%. However, approximately 15% of all reports of registration status were in error. Unlike turnout, misreporters of registration status fell into two different types: those who reported being registered when they were not, and those who failed to report being registered when they were. The correlates of registration, however, were largely unaffected by whether registration was measured with reported or validated data. Race posed the only exception to this generalization. The reported data underestimated racial differences in registration rates and the degree to which black registration trailed that of whites.

LIFE CYCLE MODEL OF PARTISANSHIP DEVELOPMENT An Analysis of Aggregate Electoral Instability Following the Enfranchisement of Women

Phillip Converses life cycle explanation of partisan strengthening implies there should have been an abrupt and relatively durable increase in the level of aggregate instability in the electorate following the enfranchisement of women in 1920. Using a technique originally developed by William Flanigan and Nancy Zingale (1974), state-level instability data and county-level instability data for Colorado were examined. These data reveal no abrupt and enduring increase in instability following the enfranchisement of women.