William F. Sharkey

Unpackaging Culture’s Influence on Self-Esteem and Embarrassability The Role of Self-Construals

A growing body of research supports the notion that individuals simultaneously hold two views of self. Members of collective cultures have stronger interdependent images of self, but less strong independent images, than do individualist groups. University students in Hong Kong (n = 271), Hawaii (n = 146), and mainland United States (n = 232) completed the Self-Construal Scale, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, and the Modigliani Embarrassability Scale. As expected, levels of independence and interdependence were related to ethnocultural group (Euro-American, Asian American, and Hong Kong Chinese). Independence and interdependence accounted for most of the variance in embarrassability attributable to ethnocultural group. Contrary to predictions based on terror management theory, there was no difference in the relation between self-construal and self-esteem across the three ethnocultural groups. Across all groups, a more independent and less interdependent self-construal predicted higher levels of self-esteem. It is concluded that similar psychological processes contribute to self-esteem and embarrassability across the ethnocultural groups in the study.

Culture, Self-Construal, and Embarrassability

This study investigates individual and cultural differences in embarrassability (i.e., susceptibility to embarrassment). Three hypotheses are formulated. First, the strength of the independent self-construal (the image of self as separate from others) is negatively correlated with embarrassability. Second, the strength of the interdependent self-construal (the image of self as connected with others) is positively associated with embarrassability. Third, Asian Americans are more susceptible to embarrassment than are Euro-Americans. A total of 503 Euro-American and Asian American -university students completed the Self-Construal Scale and the Embarrassability Scale. Results strongly supported all hypotheses. Further, individual differences in self-construal accounted for cultural differences in embarrassability. Many prior studies have associated embarrassability with social deficiencies; the authors propose that embarrassability be viewed in abroader cultural context that considers its functions as an adaptive mechanism.

The relationship between individuals' self-construals and perceived importance of interactive constraints

Abstract Focusing on three interactive constraints, this paper aims to extend the findings of Kim reported in 1992 by comparing the ways in which interactive constraints are perceived across individuals with individualistic and collectivistic orientations. We hypothesized that interdependent self-construals would correlate positively with concern for others feelings and concern for avoiding devaluation by the hearer and that independent self-construals would correlate positively with concern for clarity. Participants included individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds (a total of 308 undergraduates) studying at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. After being presented with four conversational situations, participants rated the perceived importance of each constraint in relation to each situation. They then completed the Ego-Task Analysis scale to measure the independent and interdependent dimensions of their self-construals. The results indicate that the degree of independent and interdependent construals of self systematically affect the perceived importance of interactive constraints.

A test of a cultural model of patients' motivation for verbal communication in patient‐doctor interactions

In theory, two‐way communication between patient and physician is desirable. However, there is a dearth of research that has explored the effects of patients’ culture and cultural orientations on patients’ ability to actively participate in the medical encounter. The purpose of this paper was to test the effects of patients’ culture and cultural orientations on assertiveness and communication apprehension during medical interviews. According to the proposed model, culture and self‐construals are causal antecedents to patients’ beliefs about verbal communicativeness. Our model suggests that cultural values (self‐construals) are determined in part by culture. In regards to the mediation process, the model proposes that the greater the patients construal‐of‐self as independent, the more positive her/his beliefs regarding patient participation, which, in turn, leads to a higher degree of motivations to communicate verbally with a physician. Our model also suggests that the greater the patients construal‐of‐self as interdependent, the more negative her/his beliefs regarding patient participation, which, in turn, leads to a higher degree of communication avoidance and apprehension during medical interview. The data were partially consistent with the theoretical predictions made. The implications of the model for theory and practice are discussed.

Independent and interdependent construals of self: Explaining cultural patterns of interpersonal communication in multi‐cultural organizational settings

This manuscript aims to explain the cultural interaction patterns in multi‐cultural organizational settings. It focuses on the dimensions of independent and interdependent construals of self, the individual‐level equivalent of individualism and collectivism. Specifically, we investigate the relationship between ones orientation toward independent and interdependent self‐construals and the perceived importance of three interactive constraints in “bind”; organizational communication situations. After being presented with three “bind”; communication situations in an organizational setting, participants rated the perceived importance of each constraint in relation to each situation, then completed scales designed to measure the independent and interdependent dimensions of self‐construals. The results indicated that self‐construals are systematically related to ones perceptions of the importance of clarity, efforts to avoid hurting the others feelings and avoidance of negative evaluation by the hearer. In a...

Use and responses to intentional embarrassment

Researchers have noted that embarrassment may be deliberately used to call into question anothers presented identity or cause another to appear unpoised (Gross & Stone, 1964; Martin, 1987; Sharkey, 1993; Sharkey & Waldron, 1990). The present study focused on the phenomenon of intentional embarrassment as a strategy for attaining goals. Self‐report data were collected from 1136 persons ranging in age from 18 to 77. Embarrassment was found to be used as a deliberate strategy to attain various goals. Moreover, the goal attempted, as well as the tactic employed, were good predictors of success in achieving ones goal, although no interaction effect was found. Finally, embarrassors’ tactics predicted the responses of embarrassed individuals.

Cognitive and Tactical Dimensions of Conversational Goal Management

Rationalist depictions of conversational behaviour assume that communicators engage in a good deal of goal-directed thinking and that such thinking guides message production. The current study used a cued-recall method (Cegala et al., 1988) to investigate the composition of conversational cognition and to investigate the relationship between cognitions and tactics. Results indicated that goal-oriented cognition was prominent but that non-strategic thoughts were more frequent. In addition, results indicated that individuals using tactics of low, moderate, and high levels of goal management sophistication had qualitatively different conversational cognitions. Finally, partner tactics appeared to influence the composition of conversational cognition.

Why Would Anyone Want to Intentionally Embarrass me

Welcome to the world of intentional embarrassment. During our lives, you and I have experienced a variety of embarrassing situations. Maybe we dropped a drink on someone. Maybe we tripped over that demon crack in the sidewalk. Maybe we unknowingly walked in on someone who was using the bathroom. Or, maybe we felt empathic embarrassment when our best friend, sibling, child performed poorly on stage. Each of the above situations were more than likely accidental occurrences. However, during our lives, we may have been the recipient of an intentional act performed to cause us embarrassment. At other times, we may have been the intentional embarrassor of a deserving, or not so deserving, individual as exemplified by self-proclaimed embarrassors below (from Sharkey, 1990a)

Turn‐taking resources employed by congenitally blind conversers

It has been suggested that blind persons lack appropriate communicative social skills. One aspect of social skills is the ability to regulate interaction smoothly. The study examined turn‐taking resources utilized by congenitally blind persons. Conversational Analysis was employed to discover the turn‐taking resources used by six congenitally blind individuals in three dyads (i.e., one male, one female and one mixed dyad). The results were compared with past research on turn‐taking resources utilized by sighted conversers. Overall, the participants utilized the majority of focal resources reported in research on sighted individuals. However, non‐vocal resources deviated from those found in previous research on sighted conversers. Specifically, tactile resources were not used; self‐adaptors, gestures and posture shifts were seldom used; mechanistic movements of the head and atypical use of facial orientation were discovered. Possible implications of these finding are discussed.

Embarrassment: The effects of embarrassor and target perceptions

This study investigated the role perception plays in embarrassing situations between same‐sex friends. We argued that when two same‐sex friends share a common experience where one was embarrassed due to something the friend did or said, the embarrassors and targets would differ in (a) their perceptions relating to the degree of embarrassment falt, (b) their attribution of intentionality, and (c) the degree to which the embarrassment affected their relationship. One hundred and sixty‐three same‐sex friend dyads were asked to report their perceptions about a commonly shared embarrassing incident. Results showed that only 52.5% (n = 84) of the embarrassors recognized that the target experienced embarrassment. Further analyses were then conducted on these 84 dyads. We found that embarrassors and targets tend to agree on the intent of the embarrassor. However, no associations were found between perspective and degree of embarrassment felt nor degree of relationship consequences. Implications of the findings an...