Alison Wolf

The determinants and labour market effects of lifelong learning

Despite the policy importance of lifelong learning, there is very little hard evidence from the UK on (a) who undertakes lifelong learning and why, and (b) the economic benefits of lifelong learning. This paper uses a rich longitudinal panel data set to look at key factors that determine whether someone undertakes lifelong learning and then models the effect of the different qualifications acquired via lifelong learning on individuals’ economic outcomes, namely wages and the likelihood of being employed. Those who left school with O-level qualifications or above were much more likely to undertake lifelong learning. Undertaking one episode of lifelong learning also increased the probability of undertaking more lifelong learning. We found little evidence of positive wage effects from lifelong learning. However, males who left school with only low-level qualifications do earn substantially more if they undertake a degree via lifelong learning. We also found important positive employment effects from lifelong learning.

Certifying the workforce: economic imperative or failed social policy?

The education policies of governments have become increasingly directed towards economic ends, including the development of workforce skills. UK governments have been particularly committed to such policies and have adopted some quite distinctive tools, relying heavily on targets and emphasizing certificated rather than uncertificated learning. The underlying assumptions of such policies have been subject to sustained critique, but there has been relatively little empirical evidence available regarding their impact on individual adult learners. This paper uses a large national longitudinal data set to examine whether governments in the UK have met their objectives and how far these are consistent with the learners’ own. It provides, in particular, detailed information on the factors affecting acquisition of additional formal qualifications in adult life and whether there has been any shift in favour of the less skilled in recent years. It also examines the extent to which qualifications, and especially those prioritized by government, lead to increased earnings for their holders. The results strongly suggest that current policies are failing even on their own terms. In conclusion the paper provides some possible explanations for the findings and sets them in an international context.

Improving literacy at work

Introduction Part I: What are the Issues? 1. Literacy Learning at Work 2. Perspectives and Key Concepts 3. The Effects of Literacy Development in the Workplace Part II: The Findings 4. The Challenges of Implementing Literacy Learning in the Workplace 5. Literacy Learning at Work: The Benefits to Individuals 6. Literacy Learning, Workplace Practices and Lives Beyond Work 7. The Organizational Impact of Literacy Learning at Work 8. The Interplay of Formal and Informal Learning at Work Part III: The Wider Context 9. The Findings in International Context 10. Improving Literacy Learning in and through Work

Basic Competence in Mathematics: Swedish and English 16 Year Olds.

The transition to mass participation in post-16 education, which had occurred considerably earlier in other European countries, has finally taken place in England. However, high drop-out and failure rates persist, particularly on vocational qualification routes. Our hypothesis is that an important factor is the lack of basic competence of lower-achieving English students in the key skills English language and Mathematics required for success in further study. Our research addresses the validity of the argument by investigating whether any significant difference can be detected between the skills of English students entering post-compulsory education and those of students in countries where drop-out and failure rates are low. The country investigated in this study is Sweden where participation of 16-year-olds in post-compulsory education is currently over 90 per cent; and where some 90 per cent of those enrolling normally obtain an academic or vocational qualification. Some GCSE Maths questions were incorporated into the national test taken by Swedish 16-year-olds at the end of compulsory schooling; and significant differences were found in the scores of the lower 40 per cent of the cohort in the two countries. The results are consistent with the hypothesis; and also go beyond previous Swedish-English comparisons, which reflect the general emphasis in international studies on younger age groups (typically 9 and 13-year-olds).

The Reliability of Test Candidates and the Implications for One‐shot Testing

The results of administering alternative forms of applied tests indicate that the reliability of candidates’ performance deserves increased attention in relation to both the interpretation of examination results and test constructors’ reliance on internal reliability measures. In an investigation of candidate reliability, subjects drawn from youth training schemes (in further education and industry) each completed two exercises drawn from a range of alternative forms and involving location of information, various arithmetic calculations and invoice completion. There was found to be very little relationship between candidates’ two scores, even though the tests were characterised by high internal reliability. These findings have serious implications for a system in which most examination results reflect performance on a single occasion. Moreover, while the guidelines for the National Curriculum and for National Vocational Qualifications formally endorse assessment over a period of time, their long lists of ...

The Economics and Finance of Higher Education

The economics of higher education is dominated by studies of the economic impact of higher education on people’s earnings and the economy. The literature is consistent with respect to the positive impact of higher education on individuals’ earnings. However, there is continued debate regarding links to economic or productivity growth, and how far the positive impact of education, for individuals, is a result of sorting and signaling rather than returns to skills. Other areas of importance relate to the efficiency of higher education institutions, economic theories of organization and of information, and university financing.

Education and Economic Performance

Throughout the developed and developing worlds, education spending is seen as a key tool for government policy makers in the quest for economic growth. Promoting ‘human capital’ development is a prime objective for economic and education ministries. The seminal articles in this essential volume include early classics which explain why education became central to productivity debates and more recent papers which elucidate the enormous controversies in this important field.

A Tribute to Lorrie Shepard

Lorrie Shepard has done tremendous service for the study, scholarship and principles of assessment and testing in education. To recognise this contribution, in the year in which she is President of the American Educational Research Association (AERA), we are hosting this tribute to her in the journal. In this tribute we are going to focus specifically on her contribution to the field of assessment, and not on her public and university service, both of which are very significant. Running through Lorrie’s work as evidenced by her publications, it is clear that there are two major themes. The first is that of conceptual issues around assessment most broadly conceived. The second is the role of assessment in educational placement. A moral dimension runs through the work, particularly in relation to the second theme, which might be described in terms of equity. However, it seems to go beyond a current conception of equity and look instead at the question: ‘Is this the best treatment for this individual or group?’ I first came across Lorrie at an AERA meeting in the mid-1980s. It was not my first visit to AERA (I went first as a graduate assistant from the University of British Columbia) but my first as an active, qualified researcher. Lorrie was the discussant at a symposium on assessment and children with special needs—an area on which we were working in England at the time at the Institute of Education. She had not been given the papers in advance but listened carefully as each speaker spoke and gave, without notes, a most incisive, perceptive and creative response. To me, it was a revelation both in relation to the way she spoke about assessment and how it is used in identifying children labelled as learning disabled, and also as an object lesson, a master class, in how to be a respondent. At that time in our research project we had uncovered the rationale behind Sir Cyril Burt’s cut-off figure of an intelligence quotient (IQ) of 70 for allocating children to special needs. This was nothing to do with the characteristics of children with this IQ but because, given the normal distribution, this cut-off matched the number of places available for individuals within English special schools at the time. This figure then became enshrined in the culture around special needs provision, as though the figure itself had some real meaning in the placement of these youngsters. Lorrie similarly exposed the rationale behind the placement of children in learning disabled provision and from here went on to look at tracking in the school system, retention and finally the retention of kindergarten children, who are deemed not ready for this experience. In each of these cases, decisions about placement were made in the perceived best interests of the child although in no case was there hard