Angela K. Bourne

Palgrave Advances in European Union Studies

List of Tables List of Figures Preface List of Abbreviations and Acronyms Notes on Contributors Introduction Angela Bourne and Michelle Cini Rational Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism R.Scully Constructivism and Sociological Institutionalism A.Wiener Europeanization: Solution or Problem? C.Radaelli Conceptual Combinations: Multilevel Governance and Policy Networks A.Warleigh The Study of European Union Enlargement: Theoretical Approaches and Empirical Findings F.Schimmelfennig & U.Sedelmeier Conceptualising the European Unions Global Role B.Tonra European Identity: Theory and Empirics P.Gillespie & B.Laffan EU Legitimacy and Normative Political Theory A.Follesdal Political Economy and European Integration A.Verdun From State to Society? A Historiography of European Integration W.Kaiser Knowing Europe: Metatheory and Methodology in European Union Studies J.Jupille Cleavages, Controversies and Convergence in European Union Studies W.Wessels Notes References Index

Democratization and the illegalization of political parties in Europe

This article explores the literature on democratization to account for the proscription of political parties in democratizing states. A survey of 22 party bans in 12 European states identifies two distinct classes of proscription derived from the ‘degree of democratization’ present in a banning state. I identify features of ‘new’ and ‘incomplete’ democracies that help explain proscription. Case studies on Germany, Austria, Russia, Latvia and Greece illustrate the impact of ‘modes of transition’, heightened uncertainty, political tensions and instability on ‘new democracy bans’, and the impact of illiberalism, limited checks on executive power and circumscribed political participation on ‘incomplete democracy bans’.

European integration and conflict resolution in the Basque country, Northern Ireland and Cyprus

Abstract This article examines the impact of European integration on conflict in the Basque Country, Northern Ireland and Cyprus. It seeks to fill an empirical ‘gap’ in the literature by drawing insights from the much studied Northern Irish and Cypriot cases and examining their relevance for the largely unexplored Basque case, Although the study is not exhaustive, four key issues are examined: whether the EU has pressured parties to a conflict to search for peace; whether it offers incentives or ‘carrots’ for that purpose; whether the technical requirements of membership unintentionally encourage co‐operation and whether the EU affects identification patterns relevant to the conflict. The main conclusion is that the EU has been unsystematic and piecemeal in its approach to the conflicts, and has rarely directed its efforts at the complex core of issues causing conflict. Nevertheless, the EU has become part of the political landscape in which these conflicts now play themselves out.

Social Movements and the Transnational Transformation of Public Spheres

ABSTRACT This article presents a theoretical framework for the empirical study of social movements as agents in the transnational transformation of public spheres. It draws on the existing literature on transnationalization of public spheres, which predominantly focuses on the broadcast media as carriers of the public sphere, to conceptualize transnational public spheres and mechanisms of public sphere transformation and to identify indicators for measuring the degree of that transformation. It then turns to argue that conceptualization of transnational public spaces as complex, multilayered, and overlapping permits analysis of social movements as agents of public sphere transformation in the form of actors or arenas, either within transnational spaces or through more routine forms of contestation within the nation state. I then adapt indicators developed to measure the degree of transnationalization of public spheres and illustrate their applicability for the study of social movements using contemporary examples of movement practices and discourses.

Europe, Constitutional Debates and the Spanish State of Autonomies

Abstract This paper examines recent debates on the European Unions (EU) constitution and their impact on territorial politics in Spain. Analysis of the preferences and participation of autonomous communities and minority nationalist parties in treaty decision processes and the 2005 Spanish referendum, addresses questions about the mobilization of territorial actors, their ability to influence politics beyond the state, political cleavages on EU issues and the role of European integration in domestic disputes on nationalities questions. I argue that innovations in EU treaty processes provided new access for some Spanish territorial actors, but treaty outcomes reflected their limited impact. Ethno-territorial and ideological cleavages present in domestic politics on territorial matters extended to EU issues with territorial dimensions. Finally, while constitutional treaty debates provided minority nationalist leaders with opportunities to articulate distinctive political profiles both at home and abroad, scope for consensual accommodation of national differences within Spain by way of European integration made little progress.

Introduction: Defining Boundaries and Identifying Trends in European Union Studies

Over the past twenty years or so, research on European integration and on the European Community/European Union has expanded dramatically. When the elder of the two editors of this volume chose to take a first degree in European Studies in the early 1980s, (a component of which was the study of European integration), some of her peers thought her decision unconventional. A more traditional disciplinary choice was still very much the norm for prospective undergraduates. However, by the mid-1990s, when the younger of the two editors began research on the European Union (EU), the subject was much better established, and was no longer considered an unusual choice for either undergraduates or postgraduates.

Mapping 'militant democracy': Variation in Party Ban Practices in European Democracies (1945-2015)

Introduction – Explaining party bans, political and legal contexts – Banned parties and banning states in Europe, the political context – Nature of banned parties – Nature of banning states – Tolerant and intolerant democracies, the legal context – Evolving rationales for party bans and procedures for proscription – Contemporary rationales for banning parties – Anti-democratic ideology – Non-democratic internal organisation – Party names – Party orientation to violence – Protecting the present order – Evolving rationales for party bans – Weimar and legitimacy paradigms – Conclusions, directions for future research

Social Movements and the Construction of Crisis Actors: Collective Responsibility, Identity, and Governance

This article examines the Europeanization of social movements following the European sovereign debt crisis. It develops a theoretical framework to measure degrees of social movement Europeanization, incorporating targets, participants, and issue frame dimensions of mobilization. Europeanization of social movements occurs when they collaborate with similar movements in other countries, claim a European identity, invoke Europe-wide solidarity, contest authorities beyond the state and ascribe responsibility for solving the crisis to European Union (EU). By targeting EU authorities, social movements may contribute to the construction of the EU as a crisis actor and through deliberative processes define the roles and identities of such actors.

Securitization and the Proscription of Terrorist Organizations in Spain

ABSTRACT This article applies securitization theory to account for the proscription of organizations linked to Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) in Spain. I argue that securitization is vital for understanding the evolution of Spanish counterterrorism policy from tolerating to banning political organisations not directly involved in terrorist attacks, but supporting and sympathetic to ETA. More specifically, I examine the role of the judiciary in the initiation of securitization processes in which ETA came to be conceived as a “complex structure” integrating armed and unarmed activists, and the resonance of judicial securitization frames in the public sphere. I do so by analysing evolving conceptions of the relationship between ETA and two organizations—the youth group Jarrai and its successors Haika and Segi and the ETA prisoners’ lobby Gestoras proAmnistía and its successor Alkatasuna—as articulated in court rulings and a sample of 573 newspaper articles published in the Spanish daily El País between 1994 and 2016. I argue that two modes of securitization can be observed in these cases, one extending security threats posed by ETA’s terrorist strategy to the political organizations and one framing both the terrorist group and political organizations as threats to the democratic community.

Democratic Dilemmas: Why Democracies Ban Political Parties

The existence of extremist parties poses a dilemma for democracies: Banning a party may help to defend democracies from extremists who employ privileges accruing to parties in democratic states to promote their cause; but proscription risks undermining foundational liberal democratic commitments to free association, free speech and the representation of all citizens in the public sphere. Nevertheless, democratic states respond to the dilemma in different ways. A cursory examination of the lists of parties banned in the post-world war two period (see eg. Bourne, 2012b; Bourne and Casals, 2014) shows that many parties of similar types (eg. communist, far right, secessionist, political wing of terrorist groups) have been banned in some democracies but not others. This variation in responses to extremist parties raises the principal puzzle I explore in the paper: Why do some democracies respond to the dilemma posed by anti-system parties by banning them, while other democracies do not?