Arno Van Der Zwet

Friends or foes? Migrants and sub-state nationalists in Europe

ABSTRACT How do sub-state nationalists respond to the growing presence of cultural diversity in their ‘homelands’ resulting from migration? Sub-state nationalists in Europe, in ‘nations without states’ such as Catalonia and Scotland, have been challenging the traditional nation-state model for many decades. While the arguments in favour of autonomy or independence levelled by these movements have become more complex, sub-state nationalist movements remain grounded by their perceived national community that is distinct from the majority nation. Migration to the ‘homeland’ of a sub-state nation, then, presents a conundrum for sub-state elites that we label the ‘legitimation paradox’: too much internal diversity may undermine the claim to cultural distinctiveness. We engage with three common intervening variables thought to influence how sub-state nationalists confront the ‘legitimation paradox’: civic/ethnic nationalism, degree of political autonomy, and party competition. Our overarching argument is that none of these factors have a unidirectional or determinate effect on the sub-state nationalism-immigration nexus, which is why the nuanced case studies that comprise this Special Issue are worthwhile endeavours.

Macro-regions and the European Union: the role of cohesion policy

‘Macro-regions’ are an established concept in economic and political geography, as well as in spatial planning (Smith et al., 2002; Pain and van Hamme, 2014). As such, they are widely applied in a range of contexts. However, following the adoption of EU macro-regional strategies for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR), the Danube Region (EUSDR) and the Adriatic and Ionian Region (EUSAIR), as well as an agreement in the European Council for a strategy to be developed for the Alpine Region (EUSALP), the concept of macro-regions has gained increased prominence in contemporary policy practice and debates. Under EU Cohesion Policy, a ‘macro-regional strategy’ is defined as ‘an integrated framework endorsed by the European Council, which may be supported by the European Structural and Investment Funds among others, to address common challenges faced by a defined geographical area relating to Member States and third countries located in the same geographical area which thereby benefit from strengthened cooperation contributing to achievement of economic, social and territorial cohesion’ (CEC DG Regio, 2014). In theory, EU macro-regional strategies are a new multilevel governance instrument providing an opportunity for new thinking about territorial spaces, the opportunities and challenges in these spaces and new thinking on forms of intervention.

To see ourselves as others see us: identity and attitudes towards immigration amongst civic nationalists

ABSTRACT This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the partys overall civic image.ABSTRACTThis article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a sour...

Research Network on Regional Economic and Policy History

ABSTRACT In the spring of 2017, the Research Network on Regional Economic and Policy History organized its inaugural workshop in London. The network aims to stimulate research in relation to regional economic development and planning challenges, by exploring the importance of historical approaches and methodologies whilst uncovering linkages between historical science and regional studies. The added value of an historical perspective is that it assists in revealing path dependencies in a region’s economy. Moreover, it can provide learnings in terms of the successes and failures of policy instruments, strategies, and institutions that are responsible for the implementation of regional policy. Furthermore, history can provide much-needed ‘thick’ descriptions which highlight contingencies. This contribution first explores the perspectives for interdisciplinary exchange between the study of history and the fields of regional and planning studies. Subsequently, it provides an outline of the aims and objectives, key activities, and participants of the network.

The Politics and Governance of UK Fisheries after Brexit

Fishing is a relatively small part of the UK economy but played a major role in the debate ahead of the vote to leave the European Union in 2016. So how will Brexit affect the British fishing industry?

Brexit and the future of UK fisheries governance: learning lessons from Iceland, Norway and the Faroe Islands

ABSTRACT Brexit presents significant challenges and uncertainties for the future governance of policy areas currently managed by the EU. This is especially the case with fisheries policy. The UK government has stated an ambition for post-Brexit fisheries policy to be based on sustainability and the use of scientific evidence. Yet how these aims will be achieved and formalised into post-Brexit governance structures remains to be seen. This article investigates fisheries governance arrangements in three non-EU countries: Iceland, Norway and the Faroe Islands. These cases offer lessons for the UK on governance and institutional arrangements for fisheries post-Brexit. However, none of these cases account for devolution and division of fisheries policy competences across multiple territories. This places significant limits on the potential for direct policy transfer from these countries to the UK.

Report on the Inaugural Workshop of the RSA Research Network on Regional Economic and Policy History

Report on the Inaugural Workshop of the RSA Research Network on Regional and Economic Policy History

Integrated Territorial and Urban Strategies - How are ESIF Adding Value in 2014-2020?: Final Report

The 2014-2020 regulatory provisions to EU Cohesion policy gave Member States new opportunities to use ESIF for sustainable urban development and other territorial strategies, particularly using Integrated Territorial Investment. This study examines how Member States are responding to these new provisions and how Cohesion policy is ‘adding value’ to regional, urban and local development. The study shows that there has been significant uptake of territorial strategies in 2014-2020, mainly in the form of sustainable urban development, across most Member States. Many of the strategies are new; the territorial provisions have encouraged innovation and adaptation in both thinking and practice. This innovation includes a more integrated approach to intervention, the implementation of strategies at different spatial scales, and more collaborative models of governance. There is scope for extending the use of territorial strategies in future, albeit with simplification of some of the regulatory requirements and more flexibility in programming. There is a need for institutional capacity-building to ensure efficient implementation at local level and greater emphasis on citizen engagement. Lastly, more attention needs to be given to monitoring and evaluating the outcomes of strategies.

Research for REGI Committee - Review of the Role of the EIB Group in European Cohesion Policy

The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis and assessment of how the European Investment Bank contributes to the achievement of Cohesion Policy objectives. The study finds that the role of the European Investment Bank in Cohesion Policy increased significantly in the 2007-13 programme period and continues to increase in 2014-20. Research results show that there is limited understanding of the effectiveness of European Investment Bank contributions to Cohesion Policy. In order to increase accountability, the inter-institutional relationship between the European Parliament’s Committee on Regional Development and the European Investment Bank should be strengthened.

European integration and mainstreaming of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties: evidence from the Scottish National Party and Frisian National Party

Since the 1960s and 1970s, stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRP) in many Western European countries have increasingly challenged the existing power structures of the central state and have demanded a redistribution of power to the sub-state level. While on a statewide level these parties often represent a relatively small proportion of the electorate, as their appeal is restricted to a specific territory, within “their” territorial unit they have in many cases become important political actors (Elias 2009a; Elias and Tronconi 2011a; Hepburn 2009; Mitchell et al. 2012; Elias and Tronconi 2011b).